POST 207: KÄTHE HEUSERMANN, DENTAL ASSISTANT TO MY UNCLE AND HITLER’S PERSONAL DENTIST: HER POSTWAR IDENTIFICATION OF HITLER’S DENTAL REMAINS

CORRECTIONS MADE ON 11TH SEPTEMBER 2026


Note: This post is inspired by a query from a Russian Holocaust researcher requesting permission to use documents and pictures of my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck . I’m revisiting the role that his erstwhile dental assistant Käthe Heusermann, later assistant to Hitler’s personal dentist, played in the identification of the
Führer‘s dental remains following the end of the Second World War. A collaborative French-Russian documentary produced in 2017, translated below for the benefit of readers, provides the historical context. 

Related Posts: 

POST 17: SURVIVING IN BERLIN IN THE TIME OF HITLER: MY UNCLE FEDOR’S STORY 

POST 40: ELISABETH “LISA” PAULY NÉE KRÜGER, ONE OF MY UNCLE FEDOR’S “SILENT HEROES” 

POST 40, POSTSCRIPT: ELISABETH “LISA” PAULY NÉE KRÜGER, ONE OF GERMANY’S SILENT HEROES—DISCOVERING HER HUSBAND’S FATE 

POST 41: DR. OTTO BERGER & OTHER “SILENT HEROES” WHO HELPED MY UNCLE DR. FEDOR BRUCK SURVIVE THE NAZI REGIME 

POST 186: THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN A GERMAN “DENTIST” AND A GERMAN “ZAHNARZT” AND WHAT IT TELLS US ABOUT HITLER’S DENTIST AND HITLER’S FATE  

 

This post is inspired by a recent contact from a Russian Holocaust researcher, Ms. Elena Godunova (Figure 1), requesting permission to use several pictures and documents published on my blog related to my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck. (Figure 2) Our subsequent back-and-forth emails resulted in obtaining a few fascinating pictures of and learning some lesser-known facts about Käthe Heusermann (1909-1993) who was my uncle’s dental assistant in Liegnitz, Germany (today: Legnica, Poland). (Figure 3)

 

Figure 1. Russian Holocaust researcher, Ms. Elena Godunova

 

Figure 2. My uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck in 1930

 

Figure 3. My uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck in his dental office in Liegnitz, Germany with his young dental assistant, Käthe Heusermann

 

Elena also shared a link to a documentary, a Russian-French collaboration, discussing Käthe’s historical role in identifying Hitler’s teeth after the Second World War and the personal toll it took on her. I’ve discussed this in previous posts and will review it below. From my own personal knowledge based on historical accounts and on writings my uncle left behind discussing what Käthe told him about Hitler’s fate, the documentary is exacting and accurate. For this reason, I asked my good friend’s daughter for help transcribing the French narrative using AI and translating it into English; at the bottom of this post is the correlation of the narrative with the names and titles of the narrators. This allows readers to follow along as they watch the documentary and learn about Käthe’s historical significance. 

I begin this post by reintroducing readers to my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck who has been the subject of several earlier publications, notably, Post 17 and Post 41. I revisit this topic as a way of reacquainting followers with Käthe Heusermann. 

After Käthe moved to Berlin she become the assistant to Hitler’s personal dentist, Dr. Hugo Blaschke (1881-1959). (Figure 4) He was American-trained and seems to have attained his position more by virtue of his early membership in the National Socialist Party than due to his technical skills. As a matter of fact, in my uncle’s writings he specifically remarked on Dr. Blaschke’s outmoded, therefore very distinctive, dental techniques. This becomes relevant to the postwar identification of Hitler’s recovered dental remains and pertinent to the story I’m about to relate.

 

Figure 4. Hitler’s dentist, Dr. Hugo Blaschke

 

Let me begin by reviewing the historical context under which the events described in this post unfolded. My Uncle Fedor obtained his dental license from the University of Breslau (today: University of Wrocław) in around 1921. He had a private practice in Liegnitz, Germany from November 1924 until April 1936, when he was forced by the Nazis to shutter his practice. 

While Hitler did not become chancellor of Germany until January 30, 1933, dark clouds loomed before his ascendancy. Already, by March 1932, a letter (Figure 5) among my uncle’s surviving papers document that he had been relieved of his responsibilities as a so-called “Schulzahnarzt,” a school dentist for small municipalities surrounding Liegnitz. Schulzahnärzten merely examined pupils’ teeth, advising them whether a follow-up with a dentist was warranted. It’s important to understand that among German dentists there was widespread support for the National Socialist ideology. In anticipation of their rise to power, many dental organizations displaced their Jewish colleagues as a sign of “anticipatory obedience.”

 

Figure 5. A letter to my uncle from the Magistrate of Liegnitz dated the 22nd of March 1932 relieving him of his responsibilities as a so-called “Schulzahnarzt”

 

Formal restrictions on Jewish professionals in Nazi Germany began primarily with the “Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service” passed on April 7, 1933. This law barred Jews and political opponents from holding government, university, and public-school jobs. Some concurrent 1933 decrees stripped Jewish lawyers of their licenses to practice and severely restricted Jewish doctors and medical practitioners from treating non-Jewish patients or receiving payments from state health insurance funds. The 1933 laws initially made minor exceptions for Jewish veterans who fought for Germany in the First World War or for those who had been in office since 1914. Since my Uncle Fedor had fought and been wounded on the Russian Front in WWI (Figure 6), he had an exemption to continue working.

 

Figure 6. My Uncle Fedor in his military uniform

 

However, in September 1935, the Nazi Regime introduced the Nuremberg Laws comprising the “Reich Citizenship Law” and the “Law for the Protection of German Blood and German Honor.” A supplementary decree to the citizenship law issued in November 1935 removed the 1933 exemptions for WWI veterans, forcing all remaining Jewish public officials and civil servants into retirement by the end of 1935. By April 1936, my uncle had sold or shut down his practice. Presumably he left for Berlin shortly thereafter. 

Käthe may have relocated to Berlin at roughly the same time as my uncle. However, it’s unlikely she intended to continue working as his dental assistant given the increasingly restrictive prohibitions against associating with Jews. While Käthe worked for my uncle in a professional capacity in Liegnitz rather than in private employ, the Nazi regime prohibited Jewish households from employing German (non-Jewish) domestic workers under the age of 45 under the aforementioned “Law for the Protection of German Blood and German Honor.” The Nazis claimed this would prevent “race defilement” (Rassenschande), falsely alleging that Jewish men would have sexual relations with young German maids. 

Regardless, Käthe went on to work for Hitler’s dentist through circumstances that are unknown. By her own account she worked for Dr. Blaschke for almost ten years, roughly from 1936 until 1945. It is known Hitler had a designated dental office at the Reichstag where he received treatment. Most relevant to this post is that as Dr. Blaschke’s dental assistant, Käthe was always present when he attended to the Führer’s oral care. Thus, she was very familiar with the dental procedures that had been performed on him and with Blaschke’s signature dental work. 

As for my uncle, after leaving for Berlin, he could still work though under very trying circumstances. He continued to have a private practice at Fasanenstraße 20 in Berlin-Charlottenburg for a time. However, after the “Regulation for the Elimination of the Jews from the Economic Life of Germany” was enacted in February 1939, my uncle had his dental license revoked. Only in November 1939 was he again certified, but then only as a so-called “Zahnbehandler,” which meant he could only treat Jews and relatives. 

A document found in the archives at the Centrum Judaicum Berlin shows that during this period, specifically on June 11, 1939, my uncle converted from Judaism at the Messiah Chapel in Berlin’s Prenzlauer Berg, Kastanienallee 22. (Figure 7) He must still have believed at this late date, even after the violent pogrom of Kristallnacht the previous 9th-10th of November 1938, that conversion to Protestantism would alter his fate. I can only conclude that his status as a wounded German veteran of the First World War clouded his judgement making him believe this provided a protective cloak, though the supplementary decree accompanying passage of the Nuremberg Laws had specifically removed protection for Jewish veterans of WWI.

 

Figure 7. Messias Kapelle in Berlin where my Uncle Fedor converted to Protestantism in 1939 (former Evangelical Church)

 

For several months starting in March 1941, my uncle had the good fortune of managing the practice of a colleague preparing to emigrate from Germany. Then, again, in June 1941, he took over a well-equipped practice located in Kürfurstendamm. Thus, compared to many of his fellow Jews, for a time, he was better off economically. By January 1942, however, he had been permanently displaced from this last office by an Aryan colleague. 

Eventually, in a letter dated October 12, 1942 (Figure 8), my uncle was summoned by the Gestapo to present himself to an “age transport.” 

 

Figure 8. Letter dated October 12, 1942, telling my uncle to report to report for an “age transport”

 

Regarding Deportation

The undersigned has presented your evacuation case to the relevant authority. 

The application for a deferral was rejected; however, following this consultation, you have been assigned to the transport for the elderly—under the transport number indicated above—instead of the transport to the East. 

Respectfully,

Jewish Cultural Association of Berlin (Registered Association) – The Executive Board 

Realizing this meant deportation to a concentration camp and a death sentence, he fled to a friend living in Dahlem within the borough of Steglitz-Zehlendorf and went into hiding. This was the beginning of a two-and-a-half-year ordeal living “underground” in Berlin. In the ensuing months, Uncle Fedor found refuge with a cousin (see Post 40) or hid in “green belts,” coal cellars, and parks. 

Most helpful to him during his clandestine odyssey was a fellow dentist by the name of Dr. Otto Berger, a right-minded individual vehemently opposed to the National Socialists. Berger was somehow able to illegally procure papers for Fedor in the name of Dr. Friedrich Burkhardt (Figure 9), matching my uncle’s own initials; without this identity card, it is hard to imagine how my uncle would have survived.

 

Figure 9. My uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck’s false identity paper in the name of “Dr. Friedrich Burkhardt”

 

In March 1944, both Berger and my uncle were among nine survivors from a group of 44 people who had sought refuge from Allied bombing in an air raid shelter. Following this narrow escape, for a short period Fedor again hid with his cousin before returning to live with Berger. First, they lived in Berlin-Zehlendorf, then in an apartment in Berlin-Steglitz. Their last flat was destroyed by fire on the eve of the Russian push to capture Steglitz on April 26, 1945. 

It is worth noting that Roger Moorhouse, in his book entitled “Berlin at War: Life and Death in Hitler’s Capital 1939-1945,” estimates that of the 11,000 Jews who hid underground in Berlin between 1939 and 1945, only about 1,400 survived. My uncle was one of those. Luck certainly played a part. When his friend Dr. Sieber was arrested in his presence by the Gestapo on February 15, 1943, he was miraculously spared. It’s unclear how important his pre-war connections and non-Jewish relatives were to his survival, though they likely played a role. 

The capture by the Russians of Berlin-Steglitz where my uncle last lived with Dr. Berger marked the beginning of the next phase of my uncle’s life in Berlin. After the Russian capture of Berlin on May 4, 1945, my uncle followed in their footsteps and made his way to Käthe Heusermann’s apartment in Pariserstraße in Berlin-Wilmersdorf where he found her. Astonishingly, there is evidence to suggest that during his time underground my uncle was occasionally hidden by Käthe in her apartment. 

The Nazi command had wanted Käthe to evacuate to Obersalzberg as Dr. Blaschke and other high ranking Nazis hiding in the Reich Chancellery with Hitler were ordered to do. Käthe refused. She insisted on staying in Berlin hoping for the return of her soldier husband. 

Käthe Heusermann’s refusal to be evacuated to Obersalzberg may have saved her life. Käthe was seemingly tasked with packing Dr. Blaschke’s dental records and equipment, including Hitler’s records at the Reichstag. The plane carrying those records crashed and eight of the nine passengers aboard were killed. There is reason to believe Käthe would have been aboard this flight. The Bureau of Aircraft Accidents Archives (B3A) website includes a photo of the destroyed aircraft, a Junkers JU.352 Herkules, that went down in Börnersdorf. (Figure 10)

 

Figure 10. Details and photo of the Junkers JU.352 Herkules containing Hitler’s dental records that crashed on April 21, 1945, in Börnersdorf, Germany (photo credit: Bureau of Aircraft Accidents Archive)

 

Having been present in the Reich Chancellery until almost the Nazi regime’s bitter end, Käthe had learned of the Führer’s fate from his inner circle. According to my uncle’s written account, Käthe had told him what had happened to Hitler. My uncle’s former close association with Käthe Heusermann inadvertently made him a “witness” to history. After the war reporters and writers were wont to dismiss his account. Afterall, how could a Jewish survivor know whether Hitler had survived the war? 

The office building where Dr. Blaschke had his dental practice had only been slightly damaged. It was in Berlin-Charlottenburg, in the district of Berlin then occupied by the Russians. Käthe encouraged my uncle to apply to the Russians to take over Dr. Blaschke’s largely intact office. As a victim of National Socialism, he was entitled to such consideration. 

With the approval of the Russian commandant, my uncle was assigned Blaschke’s office and living quarters. Among my uncle’s surviving papers is a pass dated the 30th of May 1945 written in both German and Cyrillic permitting him safe passage to access his office and presumably move about. (Figures 11a-b) 

 

Figure 11a. Pass dated May 30, 1945, written in both German and Cyrillic, allowing my Uncle Fedor unhindered access to Dr. Blaschke’s former office

 

Figure 11b. Closeup of the Cyrillic writing on my uncle’s pass allowing him unhindered access to Dr. Blaschke’s former office

 

Dr. Blaschke’s dental office was located at Kürfurstendamm 213, in a building that still stands. (Figure 12) Post-war Berlin phone and address directories for both 1946 (Figure 13) and 1948 attest to this. They list my uncle Fedor Bruck as a “Zahnarzt” (dentist) occupying these premises, as indeed he did until he left for America in 1947 (his name continues to show up in the 1948 phone directory even though he was no longer in Berlin).

 

Figure 12. Entrance to Dr. Blaschke’s former office at Kürfurstendamm 213 as it looks today

 

Figure 13. 1946 Berlin phone directory listing my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck’s dental practice at Kurfurtendamm 213, Dr. Blaschke’s former office

 

According to the documentary translated below, Elena Rzhevskaya (Figure 14) from SMERSH, who ended the Second World War with the rank of Lieutenant, was tasked soon after hostilities ended in Berlin with ascertaining Hitler’s fate and determining whether dental remains discovered in the garden of the Reich Chancellery belonged to him.

 

Figure 14. Elena Rzhevskaya from SMERSH tasked with discovering Hitler’s fate after the fall of the Nazi Empire (photo credit: Elena Rzhevskaya’s book “Memoirs of a Wartime Interpreter: From the Battle of Rzhev to Hitler’s Bunker”)

 

SMERSH is an acronym for the Russian phrase Smert‘ shpionam, which translates directly to “death to spies.” Coined by Joseph Stalin, SMERSH was an umbrella term for independent counterintelligence agencies in the Soviet Red Army. As a trivial aside, in popular culture author Ian Fleming made the name famous by featuring SMERSH as James Bond’s ruthless fictional enemy organization. 

Elena Rzhevskaya was given a velvet-lined box containing the dental remains discovered in the Reich Chancellery and tasked with determining whether they belonged to Hitler. She immediately went in search of Hitler’s then-unknown dentist. She would eventually learn that his dental office, now occupied by my uncle, was still intact. She headed there in search of information about Blaschke. 

In writings my uncle left behind, he remarks on the arrival in his office of Russian military personnel including an unnamed woman who could have been none other than Elena Rzhevskaya. My uncle never mentioned her name, likely because she never told him. She asked about Dr. Blaschke and was told he had fled Berlin.  However, my uncle mentioned that Käthe Heusermann, as well as Fritz Echtmann, Dr. Blaschke’s dental technician, were still in Berlin. My uncle was ordered to fetch Käthe, and upon arrival she was interrogated by the Russians. 

As mentioned above, Käthe Heusermann had always been present when Hitler was undergoing dental treatment. Because Hitler was always treated in a specially equipped dental office at the Reichstag, none of his dental records appear to have been stored in Dr. Blaschke’s office. Because Hitler’s dental records were not found at the Reichstag, Elena Rzhevskaya was compelled to rely on Käthe’s description of the work that had been performed on Hitler. As the translated documentary below tells us, Käthe was asked to describe the work Blaschke had performed on Hitler from memory. She was NEVER shown the dental remains that had been recovered in the shallow grave at the Reich Chancellery. Nonetheless, her description and sketches of the dental procedures Blaschke had performed on Hitler precisely matched those that appeared on the dental remains from the Reich Chancellery. While she was endlessly cross-examined by Russian officials, Käthe was consistent in her description of Hitler’s teeth and the work done on them. As the documentary attests, based on her testimony, the Russians had no doubt Hitler had killed himself. 

Nonetheless, Stalin assertively lied to the Allies and claimed that Hitler had fled to either Spain or Argentina or escaped in a submarine to Japan. Stalin chose to conceal what had happened to Hitler. For him, knowledge was power and he could potentially use the information about Hitler’s fate against the Allies in the future in yet unknown ways. Afterall, the “cold war” had already started. 

The fact that Stalin didn’t want the world knowing Hitler was dead put both Käthe Heusermann and Fritz Echtmann in danger, and in fact both were eventually arrested, taken to Russia, and given ten-year prison sentences. They were not released until 1955. Readers can pick up the thread of what happened to Käthe by reading the translation of the documentary below. 

As a side note, my Uncle Fedor was warned by the Americans that because of his knowledge of Hitler’s fate and Stalin’s wish to keep this information concealed, he too was in danger of being whisked away by the Russians. It’s for this reason that he fled Berlin and left his dental practice behind. 

As mentioned at the outset, Elena Godunova, the Russian Holocaust researcher who inspired this post, sent me a few pictures of Käthe Heusermann and Fritz Echtmann taken in Moscow. These include mugshots of the two of them (Figures 15-16) after their arrest by the Russian NKVD (Romanized: Narodnyy komissariat vnutrennikh del), the People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs; this was the interior ministry and the secret police of the Soviet Union from 1934 to 1946. The other is of Käthe and Fritz with two Russian officers in a park setting possibly in Berlin. (Figure 17)

 

Figure 15. Mugshot of Käthe Heusermann taken by the NKVD after her arrest and deportation to Russia (photo credit: Электронная библиотека исторических документов (ЭБИД) | Агония и смерть Адольфа Гитлера)

 

Figure 16. Mugshot of Fritz Echtmann, Dr. Blaschke’s dental technician, taken by the NKVD after his arrest and deportation to Russia (photo credit: Электронная библиотека исторических документов (ЭБИД) | Агония и смерть Адольфа Гитлера)

 

Figure 17. Käthe Heusermann and Fritz Echtmann with two Russian officers in a photo possibly taken in Berlin (photo credit: 10 лет тюрьмы: как СССР «отблагодарил» женщину, которая помогла опознать труп Гитлера https://share.google/ISgAVFfclRLwOB1yh)

 

Of particular interest, Elena Godunova shared a Russian article about one of Hitler’s first cousins, Maria Koppensteiner (1899-1953). Maria was the daughter of Hitler’s mother’s sister. The Koppensteiners lived in the town of Gmünd in Lower Austria that fell within the Soviet occupation zone after the war. In late May 1945, Maria Koppensteiner was arrested by the counter-intelligence unit of the 3rd Ukrainian Front, along with other members of her family. Hitler’s cousin was arrested based on “kinship liability,” according to Austrian historian Stefan Karner, though Maria had not seen her cousin Adolf since 1907. 

Initially, Hitler’s relatives were imprisoned in Lefortovo Prison in Moscow. Of personal interest is that for a time Maria shared a cell with Käthe Heusermann. One of my readers rhetorically asked: “One wonders whether it was intentional putting them together, maybe to see if they would talk about Hitler (their cells had listening devices, from what I can tell from reports of the prisoners’ conversations being quoted in their intelligence reports). I recall someone saying Heusermann suspected the Soviets of planting ‘moles’ as cell-companions, so they could trick the prisoners into talking about Hitler.” (Andrew van Ginkel, personal communication) 

According to the documentary, Käthe Heusermann was not formally tried until 1951. She was given a ten-year prison term and credited for the 6 ½ years she’d already spent in prison by the time she was convicted. She was exiled to Siberia, and according to Elena Godunova, was held at Ozerlag in the Irkutsk region, likely transported there and back along the Trans-Siberian Railway. Käthe wrote a short account of her years of imprisonment, leaving it forgotten at the back of a drawer, and never looked back. In 1992, she was rehabilitated as a “victim of political repression.” Käthe Heusermann died in 1993. 

As we speak, I’m working with Elena Godunova to try and contact Lioubov Summ, the granddaughter of Elena Rzhevskaya, hoping to obtain a copy of Käthe Heusermann’s unpublished memoir. Beyond being of historical interest, I’m curious whether Käthe mentions working for my uncle as a dental assistant in Liegnitz.

 

Figure 18. Ms. Lioubov Summ, Elena Rzhevskaya’s granddaughter, who may have a copy of Käthe Heusermann’s unpublished memoir

 

 

Mort d’Hitler, l’histoire d’un secret d’État TRANSLATION 

EDITOR’S NOTE: THE TEXT BELOW STANDS ON ITS OWN SHOULD READERS CHOOSE NOT TO VIEW THE 52-MINUTE DOCUMENTARY. 

NARRATOR: This is the final battle. Berlin is a gigantic pile of rubble, and the Nazi empire is now confined to the streets of the capital’s center, which is under siege by the Red Army. 

For our soldiers, the priority is to capture the leader of the Third Reich—it is a symbol, a symbol of war and fascism.  He is, therefore, a trophy, and everyone is searching for him. 

Where is Hitler?  To whom do the charred remains found in the Chancellery garden belong—remains that, some time ago, were miraculously pulled intact from the rubble? Will they reveal the fate of the Nazi dictator? 

Two young women. One is Soviet—Elena Rzhevskaya, an interpreter for the Red Army. The other is German— Käthe Heusermann, Hitler’s dentist’s assistant.  They are at the heart of the investigation and play a decisive role in identifying the remains of the Nazi leader. 

The witness states, “I clearly recognize the gold teeth and dentures presented to me.” 

Stalin is immediately informed of the discovery of the remains and then of their identification. He knows there is no doubt. Hitler is dead. 

Stalin knows the truth. Hitler is dead, but he chooses to lie and tells the Allies that the monster is alive and has managed to escape. 

Why didn’t Stalin tell the Allies anything? To keep a secret? It could always come in handy. 

The story of Hitler’s death is characteristic of Stalin’s paranoid attitude toward the West.

Stalin’s lie about Hitler’s death lasted nearly 50 years. All the evidence is hidden. Kept secret until the day the Soviet Union disappears and the truth can finally be told. 

Nothing can be hidden. Everything eventually comes to light. Everyone should learn this lesson from history. 

For the Soviet Union, the war began in June 1941 with a surprise attack by Hitler. Within a few months, the enemy was at the gates of Moscow, and Stalin ordered the mass mobilization of the population. The regiments—almost entire armies—marching through Red Square set off directly for the front. 

Elena is just 22 years old and already has a two-year-old child, but the Red Army needs interpreters, and Elena, who speaks German, enlists.  Four years later, she is part of the first Soviet detachment to enter Berlin, tasked with capturing the Nazi leaders. No one knows where Hitler is; he is said to be dead or dying, the victim of a cerebral hemorrhage. Or perhaps his officers executed him—unless he took his own life. But according to Soviet radio reporters following in the Red Army’s wake in Berlin, Hitler is, on the contrary, very much alive and in hiding in the Tyrol. It is a lookalike who is fighting in his place in the streets of the capital, watched over by Nazi propaganda officials who are waiting for the moment he falls so they can photograph him and deceive the Allies. A final rumor claims that Hitler is hiding in the ruins of the Reichstag. It is a historic moment—The storming of the Nazi Parliament and Elena hasn’t forgotten a thing. 

ELENA RZHEVSKAYA: I’m going around in circles. It was our division that led the attack on the Reichstag.  It was a stroke of luck and a great honor for us. 

NARRATOR: They attacked the Reichstag thinking Hitler was hiding there, but in reality, no one knew where he was. 

Hitler was not at the Reichstag, as the Soviet command had believed. The Red Army’s vanguard then headed toward the Chancellery—the heart of Nazi power. 

ELENA RZHEVSKAYA: It was terrifying to imagine that Hitler might still be there. We were on edge. Where is Hitler—alive or dead?  

NARRATOR: German radio had just announced the Führer’s death, fallen in his heroic struggle against Bolshevism.  And that night, the German Chief of Staff, General Krebs, made his way to Soviet headquarters. He wanted to begin peace talks and informed his counterpart, Marshal Zhukov, of Hitler’s death. 

In his memoirs, Zhukov recalls immediately having Stalin woken up in Moscow. “He got what he deserved—that bastard. Where is the body?” asks Stalin. “According to the German general, the body was burned,” replies Zhukov. “Too bad we couldn’t take him alive,” concludes the master of the Kremlin. 

While people continue to die in the streets of downtown Berlin, the small group of scouts, along with Elena, the interpreter, makes its way to the Chancellery Garden. Right above the bunker where Hitler may have been hiding for several months. 

He comes upon a chaotic scene, a landscape pockmarked by shells and corpses everywhere.  They quickly recognize the first body, Joseph Goebbels, then his wife Magda and their six children. 

ELENA RZHEVSKAYA: Goebbels’ body was burned but still recognizable. It was carried out onto the street in front of the Chancellery to be displayed—to show Hitler’s close associate, the Minister of Propaganda. In Hitler’s absence it was already a symbol of the fall of the Third Reich.  

NARRATOR: Hitler’s body had not yet been found, but the very next day, the news of his death made headlines on the front pages of newspapers around the world. 

Except in the Soviet Union. Pravda, the official organ of the Communist Party and the voice of the Kremlin, wrote that the announcement of Hitler’s death was a ruse intended to facilitate the Nazi leader’s escape. As a result, in Paris as well, people were filled with doubt and uncertainty. 

In the garden of the Chancellery. The search continues everywhere—through the rubble, the shell craters, the piled-up bodies. Suddenly, someone thinks they recognize the monster’s mustache on one of the corpses. Immediately, there is excitement and confusion; people are brought in from the bunker, and the truth must be faced: it is not Hitler—the mustache alone is not enough to make the dictator—but the legend of the lookalike is born. 

On orders from the Soviet high command, the entire occupying Red Army is searching for Hitler, but the actual investigation is secret and limited to just three people: Major Gorbushin, Commander Bistrof, and Elena, the indispensable interpreter without whom no interrogation of German prisoners is possible. The two officers are part of the SMERSH, a military intelligence unit that reports directly to Stalin. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): The SMERSH is a special intelligence unit under Stalin’s direct authority, headed by Victor Abakumov, who was considered at the time to be one of Stalin’s protégés and oversaw the most secret operations. He spied on the generals. He eavesdropped on all conversations. In short, he deals not only with spies who might attempt to infiltrate the Red Army, but also with traitors within the army itself. Abakoumov keeps an eye on everyone. Stalin entrusts him only with the most secret and delicate missions—if you can call them that. 

NARRATOR: It is the SMERSH that is investigating Hitler’s death. This demonstrates Stalin’s involvement in this matter, as well as the absolute discretion that must surround the investigations. The top-secret reports from the special unit are read by only three people: Stalin, of course, Molotov, the foreign minister, and Beria, the sinister head of the NKVD—the predecessor to the KGB. 

In the stifling atmosphere of the bunker, Elena sorts through the papers on Hitler’s desk and interrogates the first prisoners. 

ELENA RZHEVSKAYA: On May 4, I interviewed a small man, the bunker’s heating engineer. He was the one in charge of ventilation in the rooms occupied by Hitler. He saw how the lifeless bodies of Hitler and Eva Braun were carried out of the bunker. 

NARRATOR: Based on the initial statements from their prisoners, the investigators are convinced that Hitler remained holed up in his bunker until the very end and strongly suspect that he committed suicide just before the arrival of the first Soviet soldiers. They also know that all the gas for the vehicles stored in the Chancellery garage was requisitioned after 12 p.m. on April 30. Did Hitler disappear without a trace by ordering that his body be completely burned after his death? Are there still remains to be found, and where should they be searched for? 

SERGEY MIRONENKO (HISTORIAN—FORMER DIRECTOR OF THE RUSSIAN STATE ARCHIVE): The bodies of Hitler and Eva Braun were discovered entirely by chance. In the garden of the Chancellery a soldier saw the tip of a boot in good condition sticking out of a hole covered with dirt. He decided to pull it out and found two bodies. 

RUDOLF PIKHOYA (HISTORIAN, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE ARCHIVES COMMITTEE): At that point, they did not know if it was really Hitler, unlike Goebbels’s body, which was recognizable because gas had to be economized and his features had been spared. These remains were completely charred. 

NARRATOR: Official Report on the Discovery of Two Bodies.  May 5, 1945. Near Hitler’s bunker, we discovered and exhumed two burned bodies that were impossible to identify. 

The Goebbels family, several officers, and remains that are still unidentified.  The SMERSH now holds about ten remains, some more charred than others. 

Vice Admiral Vos admitted to being one of the last people to have seen Goebbels and Hitler alive. Identifying Goebbels poses no problem, but the body believed to be Hitler’s is too badly damaged to be visually identified, even by a member of the inner circle. 

After the autopsy, doubts remain. The results are consistent with what is known about Hitler—his height and weight. But the doctors cannot say with certainty that these charred remains are indeed all that is left of him. There is only one hope left for identifying him.  The teeth. 

ELENA RZHEVSKAYA: Both jaws were well preserved.  15 teeth on the lower jaw.  On May 8, my commander, Major Gorbushin, asked me to come see him.  He handed me a burgundy-colored box and said, “These are Hitler’s teeth. You are responsible for them.” 

NARRATOR: It was Victory Day, the end of a war that had claimed tens of millions of victims. Amid the ruins of Berlin, Elena, the 25-year-old Soviet interpreter, refrains from toasting or joining in the celebrations. She is the secret guardian of a small box lined with red satin that may contain all that remains of the mad dictator who led the world into catastrophe. 

In the suburbs of Berlin, in the middle of the night, under the chairmanship of Marshal Zhukov, the Allies, facing Marshal Ketel, sign Germany’s act of surrender. 

This time the war is finally over. 

First thing in the morning, Elena and her officers set out in search of the one person who would surely know the name of the owner of the teeth: Hitler’s dentist.  The investigators know nothing about him—neither his name nor his address, let alone whether he is still alive and in Berlin. 

After a day of wandering and following dead ends, they finally obtain a name and, at the same time, the information that the dentist fled the city about fifteen days ago. But they also learn that his assistant has remained in Berlin, hoping for the return of her soldier husband.  A few hours later, Elena meets Käthe Heusermann, a smiling, friendly young woman who, for nearly 10 years, has been present at every one of Hitler’s visits to his dentist. The Führer’s teeth should hold no secrets for her. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): She became the key witness because teeth are of no use unless one also finds the person who can identify them.  

NICOLAY VLADIMIRTSEV (HISTORIAN AT THE RUSSIAN NATIONAL ARCHIVES): During the interrogation of Käthe Heusermann, the witness states: “I clearly recognize the gold teeth and dentures presented to me. They belong to Chancellor Hitler.” The witness made the same statement regarding Eva Braun. This testimony is the most important piece of evidence.  It proves that these teeth truly belong to Hitler. 

ELENA RZHEVSKAYA: She had been asked to draw a diagram of Hitler’s teeth, but without showing her the teeth that had been found.  

NARRATOR: Käthe was present at all of the Führer’s dental appointments, and she hasn’t forgotten a single detail about Hitler’s disastrous set of teeth.  Her drawing matches exactly the jawbone found by the Soviets. There is no longer any doubt: the charred body discovered in a hole in the Chancellery garden is all that remains of the greatest criminal of the 20th century.  

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): On May 11, they escorted her home with heartfelt thanks and many cans of food.  They know they’ve successfully identified Hitler.  So, to thank Käthe Heusermann, they give her food, but for themselves, they were hoping to receive medals. 

NARRATOR: Hitler is indeed dead. But is Stalin aware? For the Soviet command in Berlin, it’s very clear. Hitler is dead, and Stalin is immediately informed. 

RUDOLF PIKHOYA (HISTORIAN, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE ARCHIVES COMMITTEE): Failing to give Stalin a detailed report on such a matter is completely impossible. Absolutely out of the question, because Hitler is a symbol that carries very strong political significance, like the storming of the Reichstag and the conquest of Berlin. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): It’s obvious. Stalin was immediately informed of the discovery of the remains and then of their identification. He knew there was no doubt. Hitler was dead. 

NARRATOR: Stalin rarely left the Kremlin, but he had eyes and ears everywhere.  Every day, documents concerning Hitler’s death and identification pile up on his desk, becoming increasingly precise and definitive.  And following Käthe Heusermann’s testimony, it is no longer a matter of speculation—we know. Hitler is dead, and Stalin has been informed.

However, a few days later, a general whose identity has remained secret arrives in Berlin to verify everything. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): The general resumes all the interrogations, and for the first time, Elena, as an interpreter, is warned that she will be held responsible in the event of an erroneous translation. Everyone is warned and threatened. 

NARRATOR: For the purposes of the new investigation, the SMERSH comes to fetch Käthe Heusermann and orders him to pack a suitcase for an absence of about a week. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): Minutes of the supplementary interrogation of Käthe Heusermann. It is recorded that it began at 1:15 a.m. and ended at 6:00 a.m.  The questions are repeated endlessly—always the same ones. She is made to say, over and over, what she knows about Hitler’s teeth, and after she has explained everything, she is asked the same question again.  “So, you continue to assert that the teeth and dentures presented to you belong to Hitler?”  “Yes, I confirm that.” The document is only five pages long, but we know the interrogation lasted 5 hours. So, we can imagine how many times she was forced to repeat the same answers. 

NARRATOR: The unnamed general did not sign any official record. And at the end of the second investigation, which fully confirmed the first, he leaves just as mysteriously as he arrived. Investigators are certain of Hitler’s death thanks to Käthe Heusermann’s positive identification of his teeth.  But this information has still not been made public, and the Soviet command in Berlin officially maintains the order to search for Hitler, dead or alive. A medal is even promised to whoever succeeds in capturing him. Yet, although the SMERSH investigation was conducted in the utmost secrecy, rumors are circulating outside the Soviet zone, and the international press is picking up on them. The Russians are said to have found and identified the remains of the Nazi leader. 

Even the world is wondering, awaiting the necessary Soviet confirmation. 

The next act takes place in the Kremlin. Harry Hopkins is an advisor to U.S. President Truman, and he arrives in Moscow in late May 1945 for a series of meetings with Stalin to prepare for the first postwar conference among the Big Three.  When Hopkins asks Stalin where Hitler is, Stalin replies that he believes Hitler is alive, that he managed to escape, and that he may have fled in a submarine to seek refuge in Japan. 

This was the first false claim regarding Hitler’s death made by Stalin himself and recorded in black and white in the secret memorandum that was sent to Washington that very evening. 

Ten days later, in Berlin, Marshal Zhukov held a press conference for foreign correspondents.  They expect the rumors about the discovery and identification of Hitler’s remains to be confirmed. But to the journalists’ surprise, Zhukov asserts, on the contrary, that no trace of Hitler could be found, that he is therefore certainly alive, that he managed to escape by plane, and that he has taken refuge in Spain or Argentina. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): Zhukov’s statement can be explained by the fact that he follows Stalin’s orders to the letter, since Stalin did not order him to tell the truth. The bodies were found and identified. So, he is lying. 

RUDOLF PIKHOYA (HISTORIAN, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE ARCHIVES COMMITTEE): Why didn’t Stalin say anything to the Allies? The answer is not simple. It is more of a psychological matter—knowing something that others do not know. It’s always advantageous to hold onto a secret. It can always come in handy. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): The story of Hitler’s death is characteristic of Stalin’s paranoid attitude toward the West. We mustn’t give them too much information or evidence. Perhaps one day, it will be to our advantage to have left them in the dark. 

NARRATOR: That’s it—the lie has been thrown in the world’s face. There is widespread consternation, because no one can imagine that, just one month after the joint victory, the Soviets could lie to their allies about such a matter. Why? To what end?  It’s absurd. No. If Zhukov claims that Hitler hasn’t been found, then he hasn’t been found. 

A few weeks later, Stalin, Truman, and Churchill met in Potsdam, near Berlin, for their first postwar summit.  The future was being decided here in discussions among the three leaders, and particularly the future of Eastern Europe. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): At that time, the disagreements between the Soviet Union and the Allies were only getting worse due to Soviet control over the countries of Eastern Europe and because of Soviet policy in the territories occupied by the Red Army. 

NARRATOR: Compared to these issues, the question of Hitler’s fate was obviously of very secondary importance. However, an advisor to Truman recounts that during an informal dinner with the American president, Stalin asserted once again that Hitler was alive and was either in Spain or Argentina. In Potsdam, the three leaders also had to decide which Nazi leaders would be placed in the dock in a few months, at the Nuremberg trials. Stalin had just reiterated this. Hitler is alive. He, therefore, should be at the top of the list of criminals to be tried. But curiously, no one asked for him. Not the Americans, not the British, not even Stalin. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): Everything is kept secret in case it might be needed one day. This is the reality of our country, the Soviet Union, where everything operates according to the rules of the secret police.  Everyone is watched, threatened, and intimidated. 

ELENA RZHEVSKAYA: It could be said that Stalin’s decision to hide what belonged to all the Allies was the first Soviet move in the Cold War. 

NARRATOR: For Elena, the time has come to take off her uniform and put on a pretty dress and ladies’ shoes.  A few souvenir photos and one last visit to Käthe, the key witness to Hitler’s death, who is still being held at Soviet headquarters.  Between interrogations, the young women hit it off.  The Russian interpreter and the German dental assistant feel they’ve been part of an extraordinary adventure, even if it must remain a secret. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): Their last conversation was very warm. Käthe said, “I, too, will soon be free. I’m going back to Berlin. We can meet before you leave; I’ll take you to my hairdresser.” And in the end, it didn’t happen. 

NARRATOR: The Great Patriotic War lasted four years. It ravaged the Soviet Union, costing it more than 20 million lives.  Elena’s husband died in battle. Her daughter has grown up, and Elena now dreams of becoming a writer.  But she is worried. She knows she knows something that the Kremlin leader has decided must remain a secret.  

IOURI KAGAN (BROTHER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA):  Those who had participated in the investigation into Hitler’s death were aware that they held a state secret, and they could confide in no one.  At the time, Elena didn’t tell me, her father, or her mother, about it. We didn’t know her story. 

NARRATOR: For their part, the British and Americans have not given up on uncovering the truth about Hitler’s mysterious disappearance, and they still hope to obtain Soviet assistance. 

NICOLAY VLADIMIRTSEV (HISTORIAN AT THE RUSSIAN NATIONAL ARCHIVES): Here is a request for information sent by the Anglo-American Allies to the Soviet command in Berlin.  Our generals have forwarded this letter to Molotov and Stalin and are requesting instructions.  What information are they authorized to disclose, and may they cooperate with the Anglo-American investigation into Hitler’s death? 

NARRATOR: The archives contain a draft of a positive response to this request sent by Beria to Molotov, but the Allies themselves never received anything. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): It is clear that the ultimate decision-maker was above Molotov and Beria. It was Stalin himself. If Stalin had decided to tell the Allies everything—even to show them or hand over the body—it would have been done. But Stalin decided that no information should be released. 

NICOLAY VLADIMIRTSEV (HISTORIAN AT THE RUSSIAN NATIONAL ARCHIVES): Why was this collaboration refused? It is a question of high politics that should have been put to Stalin himself—and for which we will never find a clear and precise answer. 

NARRATOR: The lie spread around the world and became fodder for the tabloid press.  We see Hitler everywhere, in every corner of the globe, along with those nostalgic for the regime.  Nazis are taking advantage of this to sow doubt.  Hitler is not dead. He will return to save Greater Germany. 

Of all the legends, there is one that particularly exasperates the British. The Soviets are now accusing the British of having facilitated Hitler’s escape and of keeping him hidden somewhere in their own occupation zone in order to use him one day against their Soviet ally. 

To put an end to this insulting accusation, a young British historian, Hughes Trevor-Roper, is tasked with investigating Hitler’s fate.  The Russians refuse to cooperate and deny all access to the Chancellery area under their control. But Trevor-Roper tracks down and interviews numerous witnesses to the final moments in the bunker in the Anglo-American prisoner-of-war camps.  Within a few weeks, he was convinced. Hitler did indeed commit suicide shortly after noon on April 30, and his body was burned by his guards. His report was convincing, but he had no direct evidence—no body.  This, therefore, is not enough to stop the ever-increasing and increasingly far-fetched rumors. 

For years, the FBI receives thousands of reports of Hitler’s whereabouts from around the world, which it must verify and file away. 

March 1953.  It was a global shock. Stalin is dead. The leader of world communism, the bloodthirsty dictator, the victor of World War II, the ruthless tyrant, the leader both adored and hated—has disappeared. And no one knows what the future holds for the regime of terror that he managed to impose for nearly 30 years in the Soviet Union. On Red Square, Beria has the honor of delivering the eulogies—the head of the secret police who hopes to rise to the highest office, but who, before the end of the year, will be executed with a bullet to the back of the neck in a KGB basement. The disappearance of two of his main executioners, a few months apart, may mark the end of fear for the Soviet people—and for Elena, who still holds one of Stalin’s secrets. 

IOURI KAGAN (BROTHER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA):  After Stalin’s death, beginning in 1953, Elena broke free. She began to speak, telling us what had happened and how she had been involved in the events in Berlin in ’45.  But she couldn’t prove anything. 

NARRATOR: All the secrets of a criminal regime lie on those countless, completely inaccessible shelves. Ten years later, the truth about Hitler’s death remains hidden in archives that no one has the right to access and in the memories of only a handful of surviving witnesses. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): Elena was able to publish a short story that ends with these words: “During those days in the bunker beneath the Chancellery, Hitler committed suicide.” So, I asked her—since it was no longer a secret—if it was okay to say that he had committed suicide. “Could you talk about it?” I asked. She said: “Yes, since the true cause of his death remained unknown, we were allowed to say that he had committed suicide by taking poison or shooting himself in the head. We could also make up a story that he escaped to Argentina, disguised as a woman.” 

NARRATOR: In Moscow, in 1955, Elena was allowed to say and write that Hitler had committed suicide, but not more. But it was still impossible to recount the investigation, the identification of the remains, and even less so Stalin’s lie.  Anyway, who would believe her? Where’s the evidence? Among the many versions of Hitler’s disappearance, the suicide theory is now the one favored by those in power, but not just any suicide. 

RUDOLF PIKHOYA (HISTORIAN, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE ARCHIVES COMMITTEE): The idea that Hitler poisoned himself is much more interesting for propaganda purposes than if he had shot himself in the head.  Suicide by gunshot is an act of courage, whereas taking poison is a sign of cowardice. 

NARRATOR: There was the first lie told by Stalin himself.  Hitler is alive and managed to escape. Then, a half-truth gradually took its place.  Hitler ultimately committed suicide—but by poisoning himself like a coward. 

RUDOLF PIKHOYA (HISTORIAN, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE ARCHIVES COMMITTEE): This legend would be repeated and regurgitated until it became completely impossible to dispel the lie. 

NARRATOR: 1965, 20 years after the event, Brezhnev. For the first time since the end of the war, the Soviet leadership decided to commemorate the victory. 

RUDOLF PIKHOYA (HISTORIAN, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE ARCHIVES COMMITTEE): When Leonid Brezhnev, a true war veteran, became head of state, little by little, a window began to open, allowing for the study of the history of the war.  And it was at that moment that a small—though very limited. 

IOURI KAGAN (BROTHER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): The opportunity for publication also arose for researchers to mark the 20th anniversary of the end of the war. Can you believe it—20 years have already passed? So, in 1965, Elena decided to write a true historical work. How events unfolded, what the intelligence services managed to accomplish. 

NARRATOR: Elena is now a respected writer. But the story of Hitler’s death—or rather, the story of the lie surrounding Hitler’s death—obsesses her, and she is determined to tell it at all costs. For her account to be irrefutable and to put an end to the legends, it must be based on the evidence hidden in the archives. After numerous requests, she finally obtained permission to enter the off-limits building—a strictly supervised visit for a very limited time. So, Elena frantically copied all the documents brought to her. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): She filled five large notebooks. She wasn’t the one doing the research, and she didn’t know what was kept in those archives. There was no catalog, and she couldn’t wander through the shelves to choose what she wanted either. She had to remain seated at her desk, and an officer would bring her one file after another. What matters is the interest in the documents varied widely. One day, she opened a file containing a list of various trophies sent from Berlin to Moscow: Hitler’s coat, a paper doll recovered from the bunker.  And on the list, among the objects, were the names of Käthe Heusermann and several other Germans.  That’s how my grandmother learned that Kate had been sent to Moscow as an object. 

NARRATOR: It was a huge shock. Elena suddenly found herself transported 20 years back in time to Berlin, in the interrogation room of the Soviet General Staff.  Käthe Heusermann, Hitler’s dentist’s assistant, was the key witness who helped identify the monster’s remains. The cheerful young woman with whom Elena had bonded— Käthe—whom the Soviet secret service would not release. 

INGEBORG HILLS (NIECE OF KÄTHE HEUSERMANN) READING FROM KÄTHE’S UNPUBLISHED MEMOIRS: “On July 29, 1945, at 6 a.m., I was transported by truck with seven other prisoners to the Berlin airport, and we boarded a cargo plane bound for Moscow.  Upon arrival, we were immediately crammed into a salad bowl and taken to solitary confinement at the Lubyanka Prison. My cell was very small, seven paces long, and water was seeping from the black-painted walls.” 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): She does not understand how long they will keep her or why she has not been charged with any crime. She is completely baffled by her situation and the reason for her imprisonment. 

INGEBORG HILLS (NIECE OF KÄTHE HEUSERMANN) READING FROM KÄTHE’S UNPUBLISHED MEMOIRS: “I remained in solitary confinement for six years, and in August ‘51, I was charged.  I was accused of helping the bourgeois system prolong the war by participating in dental care of Hitler. During the sessions, I should have killed Hitler—for example, by smashing a water bottle over his head? And in doing so, I would have saved the world.” 

NARRATOR: Six years of solitary confinement in KGB prisons. And then suddenly, in August 1951, an absurd accusation and a conviction without trial. 

What happened was that one month earlier, Abakouov, the former head of SMERSH, who had become Minister of State Security and was Stalin’s protégé, fell abruptly from grace and was arrested. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): In 1951, when Abakouov was arrested, it was discovered that there were a number of Germans—witnesses to Hitler’s death—who were being held without even having arrest warrants issued. So, a list was drawn up, and Stalin was asked what should be done with them.  The decision was to convict them; they were all sentenced to many years in prison— on trumped up political charges—that way, no one would say anything and everything would be in order. 

INGEBORG HILLS (NIECE OF KÄTHE HEUSERMANN) READING FROM KÄTHE’S UNPUBLISHED MEMOIRS: “I was sentenced to 10 years in a maximum-security labor camp in Siberia. But they took into account the six and a half years I had already served. I signed my sentence. I was glad to be going to a camp with fellow sufferers and to escape from my stone tomb in Moscow.” 

NARRATOR: In December 1951, Käthe left Moscow for Siberia in a cattle car.  She was given back the small suitcase she’d packed in Berlin for her summer trip to Europe, when she’d planned to be away for a week.  The journey lasted 14 days, and Käthe recounts that whenever a prisoner died of cold or hunger, the guards would open the train car door and throw the body into the snow. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): Käthe writes that the work quota was very high. “I couldn’t meet it. At the time, I didn’t even weigh 40 kg. I was never able to meet that quota. And as punishment, I was deprived of part of my food rations. I wasn’t allowed anything in the morning or at night, only in the middle of the day. If I hadn’t had a good friend who worked hard and shared her rations with me, I would have starved to death.” 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): Why were the witnesses to Hitler’s death kept in prison until 1955 or 1956?  What was the dentist’s assistant guilty of—she was imprisoned and sentenced like so many others? Why were they arrested by the KGB? Why did they serve such long sentences?  

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): Käthe Heusermann was convicted as a witness to Hitler’s death. She was imprisoned in the Soviet Union so that her testimony would not prevent this historical fact from being concealed. She suffered because of the service she rendered to history. 

NARRATOR: First a secret prisoner, then convicted of a fabricated crime, she was detained until that day in 1955 when her 10-year sentence was fully served.  Then her status suddenly changed. 

INGEBORG HILLS (NIECE OF KÄTHE HEUSERMANN) READING FROM KÄTHE’S UNPUBLISHED MEMOIRS: “We arrived in Moscow on June 1 and were taken on a bus tour of the city. We were shown the Kremlin, the university, and particularly the metro, whose stations are all decorated in different artistic styles with mosaics, paintings, and marble.” 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): The German prisoner of war sentenced to 25 years or a little less goes from being a prisoner of the Soviet Union to a foreign tourist; all of a sudden, he becomes a free man or woman waiting for the moment to return to his homeland—so why not give him a tour of Moscow so he can leave as a friend of the Soviet Union, and then he can say, “Here is the kindness of the communists.”  “Yes, we threw you in prison for 10 years, but now you’re a friend—almost a brother.” “Go on leave!” 

NARRATOR: Käthe returns to Germany by express train with a sleeper car, white sheets, and a lampshade all to yourself. In the Soviet Union, tourists are required to spend all their foreign currency before leaving the country along with their few rubles. So, the men in the convoy buy Crimean champagne in the dining car and leave the change as a tip for the waiters. 

By 1950, nearly 2 million German prisoners had been repatriated from the Soviet Union. And by 1955, only a few thousand prisoners remained in Siberia. Käthe is among the very last. 

Upon arriving in Hanover, she called her sister. Her 19-year-old niece answered the phone. 

INGEBORG HILLS (NIECE OF KÄTHE HEUSERMANN): Yes, that’s right. Exactly. I was home alone, completely distraught. What should I do? What should I do?  I have to go to the train station. I recognized her right away. She hadn’t changed that much.  It was I, on the contrary, who must have grown up over all those years. 

NARRATOR: For eight years, Käthe’s family knew nothing of what had happened to her.  It was only two years earlier that a fellow camp inmate, who had just been released, was able to inform her brother and sister that she was alive and in Siberia.  But the husband whose return she had awaited in Berlin in May ’45—he was the one who had grown tired of waiting.  Käthe had been declared dead, and her husband had remarried. 

INGEBORG HILLS (NIECE OF KÄTHE HEUSERMANN): She immediately adapted to her new life.  Soon, she told us with great determination: “Well, that chapter of my life is over. Now I’m starting a new life. I’m not a woman whose husband is away. I am… I have no idea what I am.”  It’s true—what are you when you’ve been declared dead?  Dead. I don’t know what they’d call that. 

NARRATOR: Elena’s book was published to mark the 20th anniversary of the end of the war. It wasn’t without its difficulties. It had to pass through a double layer of censorship: the usual, standard censorship that every book undergoes in the Soviet Union, and then a more exceptional form of censorship by the KGB.  The security service didn’t make too much of a fuss but refused to let Elena write that she had been authorized to consult KGB archives. Her book is therefore still not a historical document based on archival evidence, but once again a work of fiction in which Elena is not allowed to mention secrets or lies either.  So, we must wait another 25 years. 

In 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed, and in front of the Lubyanka building, the statue of Dzerzhinsky—the founder of the GPU, the predecessor of the KGB—was dismantled. 

Will we finally be able to learn and tell the truth about a country and a regime that no longer exist?  

SERGEY MIRONENKO (HISTORIAN—FORMER DIRECTOR OF THE RUSSIAN STATE ARCHIVE): When I became director of the State Archives of our National Archives in 1992, there was a sort of handover of power. My predecessor handed me a cardboard box containing fragments of Hitler’s skull and the documents from the investigation into his death.  It was only after the collapse of the Soviet Union that what has been called the “archives revolution” could begin. Millions—and I mean millions—of documents were declassified, and, in fact, they are now accessible to researchers.  

NICOLAY VLADIMIRTSEV (HISTORIAN AT THE RUSSIAN NATIONAL ARCHIVES): Here are fragments of the sofa on which Hitler ended his life, bearing traces of his blood. These pieces were dismantled and brought here along with the investigation documents. They were seen only at the time of the investigation, then kept under wraps until 1992 in our national archives. 

NARRATOR: So, there are the investigation files, pieces of physical evidence, and fragments of Hitler’s skull at the National Archives, while the KGB archives—now part of the FSB—secretly held some of the prisoners’ testimonies, including that of Käthe Heusermann, as well as the main piece of evidence: Hitler’s teeth. 

But where are the bodies—the charred remains of Hitler, Eva Braun, and the Goebbels family?  

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): The remains were attached to the General Staff of the 3rd Army, stationed in eastern Germany. And they moved along with the regiment’s changing assignments. With each move, a new secret location had to be found to bury them. 

NARRATOR: In 1970, Andropov, the head of the KGB, asked Brezhnov to put an end to these charred remains that had been following the 3rd Army for 25 years.  The secret document detailing the destruction of the Nazi leaders’ bodies was discovered in the archives in 1992, bringing the matter to a close. 47 years later, all the evidence of Hitler’s suicide by gunshot in his bunker shortly after noon on April 30, 1945, has finally been gathered and revealed. 

SERGEY MIRONENKO (HISTORIAN—FORMER DIRECTOR OF THE RUSSIAN STATE ARCHIVE): Nothing can be hidden. Everything eventually comes to light. Everyone should learn this lesson from history. Even the best-hidden truth eventually resurfaces. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): Those in power never thought it necessary to explain themselves to society. In the 1990s, Russian leaders said, ‘All right, all of that was hidden, but it was the Soviet Union that hid it.’ A general verdict should have been reached regarding the Soviet period and the Soviet regime as a power based on violence that violated its own laws, but this judgment on the past and on Soviet communist crimes was never handed down.

 

REFERENCES 

Karner, Stefan. Im Archipel GUPVI: Kriegsgefangenschaft und Internierung in der Sowjetunion, 1941-1956. Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1995. 

Moorhouse, Roger. Berlin at War: Life and Death in Hitler’s Capital 1939-1945.  Basic Books. New York, 2010. 

Mort d’Hitler, l’histoire d’un secret d’État. Directors: Nina Beliaeva and Jean-Pierre Bozon, broadcast in 2016/2017 by RMC Découverte and Betula Productions. 

Rzhevskaya, Elena. Memoirs of a Wartime Interpreter: From the Battle of Rzhev to Hitler’s Bunker. Greenhill Books. London, 2018.

 

POST 196: DR. WALTER ROTHHOLZ’S FIRST-HAND ACCOUNT OF JEWISH MISTREATMENT IN THE GRINI CONCENTRATION CAMP IN NORWAY

Note: In a follow-up to a post published in 2019, I present the testimony submitted by Dr. Walter Rothholz, my second cousin once removed, about the mistreatment of Jews held at a Nazi detention center in Bærum, Norway. I also discuss the “White Buses” mission negotiated between Reichsführer Heinrich Himmler and the Swedish Count Folke Bernadotte in the closing months of the war, a humanitarian effort that resulted in over 15,000 people being saved from German concentration camps, many of them Scandinavians.

Related Posts:

POST 65: GERMANY’S LAST EMPEROR, WILHELM II, PICTURED WITH UNKNOWN FAMILY MEMBER 

POST 66: DR. WALTER ROTHHOLZ, INTERNEE IN NAZI-OCCUPIED NORWAY

This post tiers off Post 66 written in 2019 about Dr. Walter Rothholz (1893-1978) (Figure 1), my second cousin once removed, who was interned in Nazi-occupied Norway from the 2nd of December 1942 until the 2nd of May 1945. Walter provided testimony on the 4th of October 1945, five months after his liberation from the Nazi Grini concentration camp/detention center in Bærum, Norway, a suburb southwest of Oslo, describing the mistreatment of Jews there. It was sent to me by Hans Peter Lindemann, a Norwegian gentleman from Oslo, whose grandmother, Emmi Skau, née Gronemann (1907-1979), coincidentally was among the seven Jews released from Grini in early 1945, a group that included Dr. Rothholz.

 

Figure 1. Dr. Walter Rothholz (1893-1978) in 1964

 

Along with 45 surviving Jews at the nearby Berg concentration camp, approximately 90-100 kilometers (55-63 miles) away from Grini, Walter and Emmi were sent to Sweden. It was indirectly part of the “White Buses” mission agreement negotiated between Reichsführer Heinrich Himmler and the Swedish Count Folke Bernadotte in the closing months of the war. More on this below. 

Walter Rothholz and Emmi Skau, as it turns out, were born and grew up meters apart in Stettin, Germany (today: Szczecin, Poland). It’s unclear whether they knew one another, though it’s likely their families were aware of each other. Walter’s father, Dr. Hermann Rothholz, was an ear, nose, and throat specialist in Stettin, while Han Peter’s grandmother’s maternal uncle, Dr. Alfred Peyser, was also an ear, nose, and throat doctor. 

Before quoting Walter’s words on the treatment of Jews detained in Grini, let me explain the White Buses mission. Ignorant of this humanitarian operation prior to Hans Peter Lindemann’s email, Walter Rothholz benefited indirectly from this action. Knowing my family’s history can be of limited interest to followers, I try to frame the events that impacted them in the context of the geopolitical climate of the time. I reckon this will be of broader interest to readers. 

During the Second World War, many Scandinavians, mostly Norwegians and Danes, were deported and imprisoned by the Nazi regime. They were imprisoned for various reasons. Some were Jewish, some held opposing political views, others were part of the resistance, and some were Danish border police. Many of the deportees were sent to concentration camps and labor camps in Germany. 

By 1944, it became clear Germany was losing on the battlefield and that the Second World War would soon come to an end. This raised concerns in Sweden about the safety of the Scandinavians held in the concentration camps and labor camps; the Swedes feared the Germans might liquidate all their prisoners. Thus, in early 1945, as the war was nearing its end, the Swedish government asked the Swedish Red Cross to help rescue Scandinavian inmates. 

One sidebar. Sweden was the only Nordic country that remained neutral during the Second World War. Not only did Sweden remain neutral, but they provided Nazi Germany with crucial raw materials, primarily high-quality iron ore, which was indispensable for German steel production, along with other strategic goods like ball bearings and timber; they also facilitated troop movements through its territory. Sweden’s neutrality involved a delicate balancing act, trading with both Allies and Axis countries. Its economic support for Germany, especially early on, was crucial to Germany’s war effort. Some historians have argued Sweden’s early support prolonged the war. Notwithstanding the merits of this claim, Sweden’s neutrality would have positioned it as a logical intermediary between the Allies and Germany had any negotiations ever taken place. 

Back to the topic at hand. White Buses was a Swedish humanitarian operation aimed at freeing Scandinavians held in German concentration camps in Nazi Germany in the waning days of the Second World War. Though the goal was to rescue Scandinavian prisoners, slightly less than half of the 15,345 people estimated to have been removed from concentration camps and transported to Sweden in March and April 1945 were of other nationalities. The number of Jews among those rescued has never been determined as the former prisoners were registered by nationality rather than by ethnic group or religion. 

The Swedish diplomat Folke Bernadotte, a nephew of Sweden’s King Gustav V, negotiated the humanitarian operation primarily with Reichsführer Heinrich Himmler. While Hermann Göring was officially designated as Hitler’s second-in-command, Heinrich Himmler was generally considered the second most powerful man in Germany after Adolf Hitler during the Second World War. This stemmed from the fact that Himmler came to preside over a vast empire that included the SS, the Gestapo, the Reich Security Main Office (RHSA), and the concentration camp system. 

Realizing the war was lost, Himmler attempted to open peace talks with the Allies in March 1945 without Hitler’s knowledge. The negotiations with the Swedes on the White Buses mission was similarly conducted without Hitler’s awareness as he opposed prisoner or inmate releases. When Hitler found out about Himmler’s machinations on April 28, 1945, he was furious, stripped Himmler of all his offices and ranks, and ordered his arrest. Himmler attempted to go into hiding but was captured by British forces. 

The buses used to transport the prisoners from German concentration camps were painted white with red crosses painted on the roof, side, front, and back, ergo how the mission got its name. They were thus marked so they would not be mistaken for military targets by the Allies. Those freed from the various concentration camps were transported by the white buses and trucks and gathered at the Neuengamme concentration camp near Lübeck, Germany. Swedish ships took most of the former prisoners onward to Malmö, Sweden though the Danes continued by land on the white buses to Denmark. 

The White Buses mission, notwithstanding that it was deemed a humanitarian success and saved the lives of many who would otherwise have died of malnutrition and/or deprivation or been executed in a final paroxysm of Nazi violence, is not without its detractors. 

The key criticisms of the mission are:

(1) Nationality Bias: The initial mandate focused on rescuing Danish and Norwegian prisoners, leading to accusations that other nationalities, especially Jews and Eastern Europeans, were neglected or abandoned.

(2) Cooperation with the Nazis: The Swedish Red Cross, led by Count Bernadotte, negotiated directly with Himmler raising the obvious moral quandary of compromising with the enemy, specifically the odious architect of the Holocaust.

(3) Selective Rescue: Volunteers initially had to leave people behind who were not on an approved list though the operation was later expanded.

(4) Moral Trade-Off: As already discussed, some felt that Sweden’s neutrality and trade had already prolonged the war, making the rescue efforts ethically complex even though they saved lives. 

As noted above, the agreement between the Swedish Red Cross and Himmler required gathering the prisoners at the Neuengamme concentration camp. At some point, the Germans announced the camp was full and could no longer receive any more prisoners from other camps. The Germans demanded that the Swedes, using their buses and other vehicles, transport around 2,000 non-Scandinavian prisoners to other camps. The Swedish drivers initially refused this request. However, because the Germans insisted the transfer of Scandinavian prisoners could not continue unless space was made in Neuengamme, higher unidentified, presumably Swedish, authorities ordered the drivers to cooperate and so the transports began. 

The outcome is that between March 27 and 29, 1945, about 2,000 French, Russian, and Polish prisoners were transported to concentration camps in Hannover and Braunschweig. Each bus was escorted by two SS guards, one condition of the agreement between the Swedish Red Cross and the Germans. Many prisoners were obviously seriously ill, weak, or dying, and several died during the journey. Cruel to the bitter end, German guards beat some of these prisoners to death. 

Readers can draw their own conclusions as to whether the moral compromises that were made during the White Buses mission were worth it. 

Earlier I alluded to the fact that my relative Dr. Walter Rothholz benefited indirectly from the White Buses mission. Recall that Walter was freed from Grini concentration camp in Norway, not transferred from a camp in Germany. Walter explains this in his testimony of October 1945 quoted below but suffice it to say that because he was married to a non-Jewish Norwegian woman, Else Marie “Elsemai” Bølling (1915-1976) (Figure 2), he was therefore exempt from deportation to a German concentration camp. However, he’d already been stripped of his German nationality through the Reich Citizenship Law of September 15, 1935, and by the Eleventh Decree to the Reich Citizenship Law of November 25, 1941, and thus was deemed “stateless.”

 

Figure 2. Else Marie “Elsemai” Rothholz, née Bølling (1915-1976) in 1964, Dr. Walter Rothholz’s wife

 

Knowing Walter was interned in Norway, I became curious why he was transported to Sweden shortly before liberation on May 2, 1945. Jewish internees liberated from Norway on May 7, 1945, like those from Grini, were sent to Sweden in 1945 because neutral Sweden provided sanctuary and a crucial staging ground for rescue efforts, especially through the Swedish Red Cross. 

It appears that prior to liberation the Swedish Red Cross and Count Bernadotte had not only negotiated the release of Scandinavian prisoners from Germany but had also negotiated safe passage for Scandinavian Jews from Nazi camps in Norway like Berg and Grini to safety. 

Following arrival in Sweden, the former prisoners were quarantined and then sent to refugee centers, like Kjesäter, for treatment and care as “The Rescued of 1945,” with the goal of eventual repatriation to their home countries or resettlement elsewhere. In essence, Sweden served as a vital humanitarian haven and a place for former prisoners to recover from years of starvation and inhumane treatment. 

After May 1945, Norway began prosecuting thousands for collaborating with the Germans. Grini and other Norwegian camps became holding facilities for these accused collaborators. These people were processed within Norway for treason. The primary reason for holding people at Grini post-liberation was to detain collaborators for trial, not to deport them to Sweden or elsewhere. 

Below is the testimony Dr. Walter Rothholz provided in October 1945 (Figures 3a-c):

 

Figure 3a. Page 1 of Dr. Rothholz’s October 1945 testimony describing the mistreatment of Jews at Grini typed in Norwegian

 

Figure 3b. Page 2 of Dr. Rothholz’s October 1945 testimony describing the mistreatment of Jews at Grini typed in Norwegian

 

Figure 3c. Page 3 of Dr. Rothholz’s October 1945 testimony describing the mistreatment of Jews at Grini typed in Norwegian

 

Walter Rothholz witness testimony 4 October 1945, at Victoria Terrasse, translated with Google translate 

Questioned at Vict. Terrasse on 4.10.45: Walter Rothholz, born 24.4.95 in Stettin, Dr. Juris, lives at St. Hallvards vei 8, Jar, tel. 35020, familiar with the case and the responsibility to testify, willing to explain himself and explained 

regarding the mistreatment of Jews at Grini 

“I came to Grini on 2.12.42 and was there until 2.5.45, when I, together with 6 ladies, was sent to Sweden at the expense of the Swedish Red Cross. When I came to Grini there were about 25-26 Jews there. We lived in rooms 1 and 2 in barracks 6. The rest of the rooms in this barracks were inhabited by Norwegians. 

In Jan.–Feb. 1943 I participated in two punishment exercises. The first began at about 19 in the evening and was held with the entire barracks 6, both Jews and Norwegians, while the second was held less than 14 days later and then with only Jews from 2:30 to 5:30 at night. Both of these exercises were held on the old roll call square. 

The first exercise lasted about an hour. It was very hard and I remember that many of the prisoners were quite upset afterwards. However, I cannot with the best of my ability remember who was in command, whether it was ZEIDLER or someone else, nor can I remember which Germans were present. However, I believe that Feldwebel FIEDLER was not there. 

The Jews this time were treated better by the one who conducted the exercise than the Norwegians for the reason that we Jews understood the commands and could immediately obey them, which was not always the case with the Norwegians. I saw that several Norwegians were beaten and kicked during this exercise, but I cannot remember any names. I do not remember that Prof. Jaroczy was beaten. I lived in the same barracks as him, and I have no recollection that he had any signs of abuse after the exercise. Nor do I remember that he spoke of having been abused. 

The second exercise took place about 14 days later. Then only the Jews were present. We were woken up in the middle of the night and had to stand at the old roll call square. I cannot say who woke us up, but when we got beyond the barracks and ran towards the roll call square we were beaten by the driver SCHLEGEL, who had positioned himself there and punched some one or two who he thought were coming too late. 

When we got to the roll call square I seem to remember that ZEIDLER was there, as was apparently Feldwebel FIEDLER. I cannot say who else was there. HEILMANN was not there at first, but came later. 

Before the exercise began ZEIDLER took the Jew BLUMENFELD out of the line. Then, as far as I remember, he handed over the command to FIEDLER and himself went out with BLUMENFELD and disappeared for a while. I did not hear if he said anything to FIEDLER when he gave the latter the command. 

The exercise began at 2:30 and lasted until 5:30. During this whole time, we were chased back and forth across the roll call area in a chorus, ‘Hinlegen’, ‘Auf’, ‘Hinlegen’, ‘Auf’, ‘Laufen’. [EDITOR’S NOTE: ‘LIE DOWN’, ‘UP’, ‘LIE DOWN’, ‘UP’, ‘RUN’] Once during the exercise, FIEDLER heard someone talking to each other, he then became even more furious, lined us up and asked who had spoken, at first no one wanted to say anything, but eventually someone pointed to a Lurje from Oslo. FIEDLER then went up to Lurje and hit him several times in the face. I cannot say whether FIEDLER hit with a clenched fist, but he hit him so hard that Lurje fell over. Lurje was then ordered to run around and immediately knock him down again. How many times this was knocked down, I cannot say, but it was several times. 

During the exercise, Prof. Jaroczy came to say that he was a front-line soldier from the last world war and that for that reason he thought he was subjected to brutal treatment. When FIEDLER heard this, he was completely furious, went over to Jaroczy and the latter then received the same treatment as Lurje. He was first knocked down and while he was lying down FIEDLER kicked and stomped on him everywhere. He then had to get up again, was knocked down and kicked and stomped on again. Whether he was knocked down as many as 12 times, I dare not say, but I will not rule out the possibility of it either. 

I did not directly see FIEDLER directly mistreat anyone during the exercise, but he kicked right and left with his shaft boots when he walked between us during a “Hinlegen” [EDITORS’S NOTE: ‘LIE DOWN’]. I for one also got a kick from his boots in passing, and they hurt quite a bit. When ZEIDLER had been gone for an hour he came back. I was then called forward and he read me an anti-Semitic song that he said I should get the Jews to sing. The song itself was only one verse and it ended with ‘und dann nicht mehr’ [EDITOR’S NOTE:AND THEN NO LONGER’. When he had instructed this, ZEIDLER disappeared and FIEDLER was to make sure that we practiced correctly. After a while ZEIDLER came back and we had to sing the verse for him too and kept singing the verse over and over for at least half an hour. 

ZEIDLER then disappeared again and was gone for a while. During that time FIEDLER was again doing ‘hinlegen’ [EDITOR’S NOTE: ‘LIE DOWN’] etc. HEILMANN was then present but he did not like it and I saw that he tried several times to slow down FIEDLER, who was still just as furious. Then HEILMANN left too. 

During the time between ZEIDLER’s return after being gone for about an hour, and at 5:30 when the exercise ended, ZEIDLER was only partially present. He came earlier to see that everything was going as it should. FIEDLER drove us the whole time, either we had exercises or we had to sing the aforementioned song, but it was not as hard as the first hour. 

As far as I could see, ZEIDLER did not hit us once during the entire exercise. He made speeches to us and mocked the Jews for being unintelligent and cowardly, etc., but he did not hit. 

When the exercise was over, 6-7 of the oldest ones were so badly injured that we had to carry them from the square to the barracks. In the barracks we were received by BLUMENFELD whom I had not seen since he was taken away by ZEIDLER at the beginning of the exercise. Where he had been during that time I do not know. 

The next morning 5-6 of the Jews were in bed, including Jaroczy, Lurje, Rothkopf and Pintzow. The latter was over 60 years old. They all looked bad, their faces swollen and bloody. Rothkopf had, among other things, been hit on the nose at the beginning of the exercise so that the blood flowed. For this reason, his nose became completely blocked, but he still had to do the exercise at the same time as the rest of us. It was probably FIEDLER who had hit Rotkopf too, but I did not see it. Dr. Poulsson and Dr. Halvorsen came to see them, and one of them determined that Rotkopf had suffered a concussion. 

The rest of us who had not been so ill that we had to stay in bed had to go out to work as usual in the morning. I heard that WARNECKE had been to the barracks in the morning and recorded a report on what had happened, but I was not there at the time. A couple of days later, ZEIDLER came into the barracks and asked if the exercise had been so terribly hard, but he did not get any answer. 

The morning after the exercise, the entire roll call area was covered in bloodstains. 

I remember that Frau FIEDLER was present during the exercise, but I did not see her hitting or kicking any of the prisoners. When I noticed her, she was standing on the main stairs and shouting: ‘Schneller, schneller!’ [EDITOR’S NOTE: ‘FASTER, FASTER’] 

Apart from these two exercises, I do not remember that the Jews were subjected to any mistreatment. They were of course treated worse than the Norwegians, were constantly subjected to insults, etc., but violence was not used against them. 

I remember that ZEIDLER decided that we should work on both Christmas days in 1942, when other prisoners had the day off. Moreover, it was impossible for us to receive visitors. I know that my wife was at Vict. Terrasse in Feb. or March 1943 and that she had been granted a visitor’s permit there. When she came to Grini with this, she was placed and rejected by ZEIDLER. The same was twice the case with the wife of a Jew named BLUMENAU, she too was rejected by ZEIDLER after permission had been granted at Terrassen. 

Most of the Jews were sent from Grini to Germany on 1 Feb. 1943, only about 10-14 days after the last penal exercise, and many of them were not completely recovered from the treatment they had received when they were sent. Only those Jews who were married to Norwegian or German women avoided being sent. 

For the above reason I was not sent to Germany and remained at Grini until just before the capitulation. At one time or another during this time I spoke to ZEIDLER about the treatment the Jews had been subjected to. This did not only apply to Grini, but in general. ZEIDLER then said: ‘Ja, das haben wir getan, und wir entschuldigen uns nicht dafür’ [EDITORS’S NOTE: YES, WE DID THAT, AND WE MAKE NO APOLOGIES FOR IT’]. 

At Grini the Jews were not allowed to go to hospital. If any of us got sick, we had to stay in the barracks. Fortunately, no one got so sick that the matter was brought to the fore, but the order was that no Jews were to be admitted to the hospital. 

The Jews were also given the worst and heaviest work, they were preferably put to dig ditches and do other heavy work. It was completely impossible for a Jew to enter a workshop or kitchen. In 1944 things improved, and Jews could then enter workshops, such as broom making, etc. The latter was, for example, the case with me. 

I have never seen ZEIDLER and DENZER beat prisoners. On the other hand, I saw both HEILMANN, KUNZE and POHL beat, but I cannot remember any names or cases. It was especially when they thought that the prisoners were cheating their way out of work, or that they had caught them in some violation of the camp regulations. They beat both with their hands and with the sticks they were carrying. 

The first day I arrived at Grini, I was beaten by KUNTZE right at the reception. When he heard that I knew German, he put me in charge of the other prisoners ‘Augen rechts’ and ‘Augen links’ [EDITORS’S NOTE: ‘EYES RIGHT’ AND ‘EYES LEFT’]. When some of them did the exercise wrong, it affected me and I was hit in the face with a clenched fist. 

Adopted

Walter Rothholz” 

While the affidavit speaks for itself, let me explain a few things. 

According to Walter’s statement, he and six women were sent to Sweden at the expense of the Swedish Red Cross on May 2, 1945, five days before the formal German surrender in Norway on May 7th. This is the clearest evidence we have that the prisoners at Grini were released before liberation day because of the agreement Count Bernadotte and Himmler negotiated on behalf of Scandinavians held in German concentration camps. 

The Grini detention center in occupied Norway was primarily administered by Gestapo and SS personnel. The camp commander at Grini at the time of liberation was a German SS officer whom Walter merely identifies as “Zeidler.” His full name was Alfred Zeidler, and he held the rank of SS-Hauptsturmführer; he was the last commander of the Grini detention center, a position he held from July 1942 until the end of WWII in May 1945. This encompassed the entire time Walter was imprisoned. Upon being appointed commander, Zeidler promised the prisoners they would get used to “Prussian discipline,” something clearly reflected by the two “punishment exercises” Walter was forced to endure. 

On the day of German surrender in Norway, May 7, 1945, Zeidler handed over command as he’d been ordered. Later he attempted to disguise himself as a regular member of the German army, the Wehrmacht, along with a group of 75 other members of the Gestapo but was apprehended. Though sentenced to a life of forced labor in 1947, he was released in 1953 after an all-too-short incarceration. 

Walter Rothholz mentions the name “Denzer.” This seemingly is Julius Denzer, who along with Alfred Zeidler and Hellmuth Reinhard, were the three primary commanders who oversaw the Grini concentration camp. Denzer was transferred from Grini to another camp, Tromsdalen, in August 1944. 

Another name Walter mentions is “Heilmann.” This corresponds to Eugen Wilhelm Heilmann, who was a guard at the Grini detention center. He was sentenced to 15 years imprisonment after the war, but, like Alfred Zeidler, was released early on the 7th of September 1951. On page 62 of Odd Bergfald’s book entitled “Hellmuth Reinhard, soldat eller morder?,”the author details the evidence Walter provided in Heilmann’s trial. During his trial, when Heilmann pretended he knew nothing about Auschwitz and the open mass grave he’d boasted having seen during a wartime visit there implying this was the fate that awaited Norwegian Jews, Walter Rothholz was called to testify to the contrary that Heilmann knew precisely what would happen to deportees. 

As Walter Rothholz testifies, as a Jew married to a non-Jewish Norwegian woman, he was not deported to a German concentration camp when most other Jews were sent from Grini to Germany on the 1st of February 1943. In 1936, Walter had married Else Marie “Elsemai” Bølling, a move that permitted him to emigrate to Norway in 1939, seemingly escaping the Nazi scourge. However, after the Nazis invaded Norway on April 9, 1940, as part of “Operation Weserübung,” Walter was eventually arrested on October 26, 1942 (Bergfald: p. 62). Regardless, the Nazis offered “privileged” status to “mixed marriages” such as Walter’s. Compared to other Norwegian Jews, many such couples survived. Walter was later granted Norwegian citizenship. 

As previously noted, Walter was transported to Sweden with six women. He mentions that upon his arrival at Grini there were 25 or 26 Jews there. Since Walter makes no further mention of them after they were beaten, one can assume that unlike him they were deported to German concentration camps and murdered. 

In closing, I would only say that reading firsthand accounts of historical events is perhaps as close as we’ll come to knowing what happened at the time. What makes Walter’s testimony very believable is how dispassionate he is about describing his experiences and what he witnessed. 

REFERENCE 

Bergfald, O. (1967). Hellmuth Reinhard, soldat eller morder? Unknown binding.

POST 103: RENATE BRUCK: A TALE OF TWO GODMOTHERS

Note: In this Blog post, I discuss Renate Bruck’s two prominent godmothers, images of whom exist among Dr. Walter Bruck’s surviving papers and photographs.

Related Posts:

POST 68: DR. JULIUS BRUCK AND HIS INFLUENCE ON MODERN ENDOSCOPY

POST 68, POSTSCRIPT: DR. JULIUS BRUCK, ENGINEER OF MODERN ENDOSCOPY-TRACKING SOME OF HIS DESCENDANTS

POST 99: THE ASTONISHING DISCOVERY OF SOME OF DR. WALTER WOLFGANG BRUCK’S PERSONAL EFFECTS

POST 100: DR. WALTER WOLFGANG BRUCK, DENTIST TO GERMANY’S LAST IMPERIAL FAMILY

POST 101: DR. WALTER WOLFGANG BRUCK: HIS DAUGHTER RENATE’S FIRST HUSBAND, A “SILENT HERO”

POST 102: DR. WALTER BRUCK, HIS SECOND WIFE JOHANNA GRÄBSCH & HER FAMILY

 

 

The Nuremberg Laws consisted of two race-based measures which deprived Jews of their rights. They were designed by Adolf Hitler and approved by the Nazi Party at a convention in Nuremberg on September 15, 1935. The first of these measures, termed the “Reichsbürgergesetz,” the “Reich Citizenship Law,” declared that only those of “German or kindred blood” were eligible to be Reich citizens; the remainder were designated as “subjects of the state” without any citizenship rights. The second provision, the “Gesetz zum Schutze des Deutschen Blutes und der Deutschen Ehre,” the “Law for the Protection of German Blood and German Honour,” usually simply called the “Blutschutzgesetz” or “Blood Protection Law,” forbade marriage or extramarital intercourse between Jews and Germans. These measures were among the first of the racist Nazi laws that culminated in the Holocaust.

Under the Nuremberg laws, Jews could not fly the German flag and were forbidden to employ in domestic service female subjects of German or kindred blood who were under the age of 45 years.

The first supplementary decree elaborating upon the Nuremberg Laws was passed on November 14, 1935. It defined Jews as persons with at least one Jewish grandparent and explicitly declared they could not be citizens of the Reich; it further decreed that Jews could not exercise the right to vote nor occupy public office. This was ultimately one of 13 ordinances that completed the process of Jewish segregation.

One enactment, passed on November 26, 1935, expanded the provisions of the law to include Roma (Gypsies) and Black people. While exact figures cannot be ascertained, historians estimate that the Germans and their allies killed between 250,000 and 500,000 European Roma during World War II. Although the Nazis did not have an organized program to exterminate African Germans, many of them were persecuted, as were other people of African descent. Black people in Germany and German-occupied territories were often isolated, and an unknown number were sterilized, incarcerated, or murdered.

It is important to emphasize that the racial definition of Jews under the Nuremberg Laws meant that Jews were persecuted NOT for their religious beliefs but for their so-called racial identity that was irrevocably transmitted through the blood of their ancestors.

Because the Nuremberg Laws did not define a “Jew” nor the phrase “German or kindred blood,” the critical task of defining their meaning fell to bureaucrats because of the criminal provisions for noncompliance contained within the law. Two basic categories of Jews were recognized. A full Jew referred to anyone with three Jewish grandparents, a rather straight-forward definition. Defining part-Jews, who were referred to as “Mischlinge,” a pejorative term meaning “hybrids, mongrels, or half-breeds,” was more challenging. Eventually they were divided into two classes. First-degree Mischlinge were defined as people who had two Jewish grandparents but did not practice Judaism and did not have a Jewish spouse. Second-degree Mischlinge were those who had only one Jewish grandparent.

Students of history may find it interesting to learn that out of foreign policy concerns, persecutions under the Nuremberg Laws did not begin until after the conclusion of the 1936 Summer Olympics, held in Berlin that year.

Also worth noting is one of the effects of the Nuremberg Laws. It gave rise to a horde of purportedly “licensed family researchers” who offered their services to concerned Germans afraid the Nazis would discover Jewish relatives among their ancestors. The Health Ministry as well as church offices were involved in providing birth and baptismal certificates as proof of Aryan origin.

 

Figure 1. Walter and Johanna Bruck with their daughter Renate in Breslau (photo courtesy of Dr. Tilo Wahl)

 

I introduce the Nuremberg Laws in the context of talking about Dr. Walter Wolfgang Bruck and his wife Johanna Bruck née Gräbsch’s daughter, Renate Bruck. (Figure 1) While Renate’s mother was Protestant, Dr. Bruck’s parents were Jewish, so according to the Nuremberg Laws, Renate was considered a first-degree Mischling. Evidence suggests Walter converted to Protestantism around 1917, confirmation of which I am still trying to track down. The timing of his conversion may have corresponded with the death of Walter’s mother, Bertha Bruck née Vogelsdorf (1843-1917), in 1917 (Figure 2); Walter may have been reluctant to convert from Judaism until his mother passed away. Unlike his parents and paternal grandparents who are buried in the Old Jewish Cemetery in Breslau [today: Wrocław, Poland], the place of Walter’s burial or cremation is unknown. (Figure 3) What is clear is that Walter was not interred in a Jewish cemetery.

 

Figure 2. Walter Bruck’s mother, Bertha Bruck née Vogelsdorf (1843-1917) (photo courtesy of Dr. Tilo Wahl)

 

Figure 3. The headstones of Dr. Walter Bruck’s father and grandfather, Dr. Julius Bruck (1840-1902) and Dr. Jonas Bruck (1813-1883), and their respective wives, following restoration of their tombs in 2016

 

As for Renate Bruck, there is no indication she ever set foot in a synagogue or was taught about the Jewish religion, which makes sense if her father converted from Judaism nine years before Renate was even born. On the contrary, a preliminary examination of the five-year Tagebuch, diary, belonging to Renate and her mother covering a critical period from January 1940 through December 1944, makes it clear Renate was attending Confirmation classes throughout 1940 and early 1941, and was confirmed at age 14 in Breslau on the 17th of March 1941. (Figure 4) As far as the Nazis were concerned, however, this would not have altered Renate’s status as a first-degree Mischling. And, in fact, Renate’s lifelong friend Ina Schaesberg (Figure 5) confirms that Renate and the other Jews and half-Jews were expelled from the private school they all attended in Breslau. More will be said in a future Blog post about the contents of Johanna and Renate Bruck’s diary including their attitude towards the Nazis.

 

Figure 4. Page from Johanna and Renate Bruck’s five-year “Tagebuch,” diary, showing Renate was confirmed on the 17th of March 1941 when she was 14 years old

 

Figure 5. Renate Bruck’s lifelong friend, Ms. Ina Schaesberg, born in 1926, the same year as Renate

 

 

Among the pictures in Walter Bruck’s photo album are two showing people Renate identified as her godmothers. I was curious that Renate had two godmothers but learned that traditionally Christian children can have three godparents in total, though they can have as many as the parents want. Usually, girls have two godmothers and one godfather while boys gave two godfathers and one godmother, although there is no hard and fast rule about this. Without access to Renate’s baptismal record, it is unclear whether both godmothers were listed on it at the time of her baptism. There is no indication as to who Renate’s godfather may have been.

Renate provided information on the captions about each of her godmothers which allowed me to make some interesting connections.

Figure 6. One of Renate Bruck’s two godmothers, “Tante ‘Steffa’ Stephanie,” August Josephine Stephanie Erhlich (1884-1966) (photo courtesy of Dr. Tilo Wahl)

Renate’s first godmother was named “Tante ‘Steffa’ Stephanie” (Figure 6); as readers can make out from the caption, her father was identified as “Geheimrat Prof. Erhlich,” and her husband was the “Commerzienrat Schwerin.” There was also a cryptic parenthetical notation after Stephanie’s father’s name, “Salvasan,” the significance of which only become apparent to me later. (Figure 7)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 7. Three photos captioned by Renate Bruck related to her godmother, Stephanie Schwerin née Erhlich, showing two elegant homes she owned with her husband, Ernst Louis Schwerin (photo courtesy of Dr. Tilo Wahl)

 

A “Geheimrat” is a Privy Counselor, a member of the government or cabinet minister; in the current context, however, “Geheimrat” refers to an honorary title used in Prussia that was bestowed upon Dr. Erhlich as an accomplished doctor (see below). A “Kommerzienrat,” a Commercial Counselor, also called a commercial attaché, is a commercial expert on the diplomatic staff of a country´s embassy or large consulate.

Based on Renate’s captions, I correctly concluded that Tante Steffa was Stephanie Schwerin née Erhlich. I discovered a substantial amount of information about her on ancestry.com, including her birth certificate. Her birth name was August Josephine Stephanie Erhlich, and she was born on the 19th of October 1884 in Berlin. Her parents’ names are listed on her birth certificate as Paul Simon Erhlich and Hedwig Erhlich née Pinkus. (Figures 8a-b)

 

Figure 8a. Cover page from ancestry.com accompanying Stephanie Erhlich’s 1884 birth certificate
Figure 8b. August Josephine Stephanie Erhlich’s 1884 birth certificate listing her parents’ names as Paul Simon Erhlich and Hedwig Erhlich née Pinkus

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I very quickly realized that Tante Steffa’s father was none other than Dr. Paul Erhlich (1854-1915) (Figure 9), the Nobel Prize-winning German Jewish physician and scientist who worked in the fields of hematology, immunology, and antimicrobial chemotherapy. In 1908, Dr. Paul Erhlich was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine for his contributions to immunology. His foremost achievements were discovering a cure for syphilis in 1909 (The First Syphilis Cure Was the First ‘Magic Bullet’ | Smart News | Smithsonian Magazine) and inventing the precursor to Gram staining bacteria. The techniques Dr. Erhlich developed for staining tissues made it possible to distinguish between different types of blood cells, which in turn made it possible to diagnose various blood disorders.

 

Figure 9. The noted immunologist and 1908 Nobel Prize recipient, Dr. Paul Erhlich (1854-1915), father of Renate Bruck’s godmother

 

Dr. Erhlich’s laboratory discovered Arsphenamine, the drug introduced in the early 1910s as the first effective treatment against syphilis and African sleeping sickness. Renate Bruck’s cryptic parenthetical reference to “Salvasan” was the mistakenly spelled name for “Salvarsan,” the name under which Arsphenamine was marketed, also known as “compound 606.”

A biographical sketch on Dr. Erhlich to which I link here (Paul Ehrlich – Biographical – NobelPrize.org) makes mention of his two daughters, including Stephanie (Mrs. Ernst Schwerin) and Marianne (Mrs. Edmund Landau).  Both were the result of his marriage in 1883 to Hedwig Pinkus (1864-1948). According to their marriage certificate, Stephanie and Ernst Schwerin got married in Frankfurt, Germany on the 20th of February 1904.

Along with the picture of Stephanie Schwerin née Erhlich among Dr. Walter Bruck’s papers are two showing the elegant homes she and her husband, Ernst Schwerin, owned, a large estate in Breslau, as well as a mountain retreat probably located in the Riesengebirge [today: Krkonoše, Karkonosze, or Giant Mountains in northern Czech Republic and south-west Poland]. (see Figure 7) There can be little doubt Stephanie and Ernst were wealthy, and, likely, lost much of their fortune when they fled Germany after the ascendancy of the Nazis. Primary source documents prove that in accordance with the Nuremberg Laws, both Ernst and Stephanie Schwerin had their German nationalities annulled sometime between 1935 and 1944. (Figures 10-11) Other primary source documents show that Stephanie and her husband made their way to New York City via Switzerland. They emigrated from Switzerland in October 1938. (Figures 12-13)

 

Figure 10. Proof of the annulment of Ernst Schwerin’s German nationality between 1935-1944 on account of him being Jewish

 

Figure 11. Proof of the annulment of Stephanie Schwerin née Erhlich’s German nationality between 1935-1944 on account of her being Jewish

 

Figure 12. Ernst Schwerin’s Swiss Emigration Form showing he left for New York in October 1938
Figure 13. Stephanie Schwerin’s Swiss Emigration Form showing she left for New York in October 1938

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Social Security Death Index indicated Stephanie died in New York in June 1966 (Figure 14) and her husband Ernst passed away on the 25th of November 1946. (Figure 15) I asked a friend with a subscription to Newspapers.com and GenealogyBank if he could track down their obituaries, hoping I might find a living descendant. My friend was unable to locate an obituary for Ernst Schwerin, but his wife’s obituary shows she died a most gruesome death on the 7th of June 1966 at the age of 81 by plunging from her 10th floor apartment at the Hotel Croydon. (Figure 16) According to the obituary, she left two notes in German, confirming she committed suicide. Likely, these notes were intended for her two sons, Hans Wolfgang Schwerin (1906-1987) and Guenther Karl-Joseph Schwerin (1910-1997), neither of whom ever appears to have ever been married. Hans Schwerin, who was an author, lawyer, and psychoanalyst, was a regular fixture on the Society pages during the 1950s. (Figure 17)

 

Figure 14. Stephanie Schwerin’s Social Security Death Index showing she passed away in June 1966 in New York City

 

Figure 15. Cover page from the New York Extracted Death Index showing Ernst Schwerin died on the 25th of November 1946 in Manhattan, New York

 

Figure 16. Stephanie Schwerin’s obituary dated the 8th of June 1966 showing she plunged to her death the previous day (from Newspapers.com)

 

Figure 17. Photo from the Society page of “New York Age” of Ernst and Stephanie Schwerin’s elder son, Hans Schwerin (1906-1987) (from Newspapers.com)

 

 

The second of Renate Bruck’s godmothers, Elfriede Reichelt, turns out to have been another prominent personage. As readers can make out for themselves, Renate Bruck identified her second godmother as a photographer. (Figure 18) Operating under the assumption she was well-known, a Google query confirmed this. She was born Elfriede Klara Emma Reichelt on the 30th of January 1883 in Breslau, and died of bladder cancer on the 22nd of August 1953 in Grünwald , outside Munich. She was a German art photographer, who in her time was one of the best-known professional photographers in Germany.

 

Figure 18. The second of Renate Bruck’s godmothers, noted portrait photographer Elfriede Reichelt (1883-1953), between Johanna Bruck and Elfriede’s husband, Hans Wieland, on the Brionian Islands in April 1927 (photo courtesy of Dr. Tilo Wahl)

 

The photograph of Elfriede Reichelt appears to have been taken in April 1927 in Brioni, Yugoslavia [today: Brijuni, Croatia], when Elfriede and her unidentified husband were vacationing there with Walter and Johanna Bruck. Her unnamed husband I was later able to determine was Hans Wieland, an industrialist from Ulm, Germany, whom Elfriede married in 1927 and separated from in 1936.

In the Deutsche Fotothek 743 of Elfriede Reichelt’s portrait photos are inventoried (Deutsche Fotothek), including multiple self-portraits. Because of copyright issues, I cannot illustrate these images here, but readers are encouraged to peruse them. Allow me to make a few observations about her photos. Reichelt had unprecedented access to Germany’s last Kaiser, Wilhelm II, and his family while they lived in exile in Doorn, Netherlands following WWI, and often photographed them. It is possible that Elfriede also photographed the Kaiser’s wife, Hermine Reuß, when she visited Dr. Walter Bruck in Breslau for dental treatments. It is even conceivable Dr. Bruck introduced the Kaiserin to Elfriede. Not surprisingly, given the friendship that existed between Walter Bruck and Elfriede Reichelt, her images include one of my renowned ancestor. Oddly, the photograph is incorrectly captioned. It is most curious that Walter Bruck’s picture is labeled as Dr. Fedor Bruck, which happens to have been my uncle’s name who was also a Breslau-trained dentist. Could Elfriede have known my uncle? The period my Uncle Fedor Bruck (1895-1982) spent in Breslau following WWI suggests this is possible. (Figure 19)

 

Figure 19. My Uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck (1895-1982) in his WWI uniform, who later attended dental school in Breslau, Germany

 

Regular readers may remember I have written multiple Blog posts about the Neisser branch of my extended family. Among Elfriede’s pictures are a few she took of Dr. Albert Neisser (1855-1916) (Figure 20) and his wife, Toni Neisser, a patron of the arts. Dr. Neisser was a German physician who discovered the pathogen that caused gonorrhea, a strain of bacteria that was named in his honor (Neisseria gonorrhoeae).

 

Figure 20. Dr. Albert Neisser (1855-1916), a member of my extended family, who along with his wife Toni Neisser, were subjects of Elfriede Reichelt’s photographs

 

Part of the pleasure I derive in doing forensic genealogy are finding connections among the people I research and write about even when the people are not blood relatives. Often these connections are trivial but nonetheless interesting. Case in point. After elementary school, Dr. Paul Erhlich attended the secondary school Maria-Magdalenen-Gymnasium (high school) in Breslau where he became friends with Dr. Alfred Neisser, who would later become a professional colleague. Coincidentally, Dr. Albert Neisser is a remote “link” between both of Renate Bruck’s two godmothers, though there is no evidence to suggest either knew Dr. Neisser. Since Elfriede Reichelt and Stephanie Erhlich were born, respectively, in 1883 and 1884, and Renate’s mother was born in 1884, it seems more likely all were schoolmates and friends growing up.