POST 207: KÄTHE HEUSERMANN, DENTAL ASSISTANT TO MY UNCLE AND HITLER’S PERSONAL DENTIST: HER POSTWAR IDENTIFICATION OF HITLER’S DENTAL REMAINS

CORRECTIONS MADE ON 11TH SEPTEMBER 2026


Note: This post is inspired by a query from a Russian Holocaust researcher requesting permission to use documents and pictures of my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck . I’m revisiting the role that his erstwhile dental assistant Käthe Heusermann, later assistant to Hitler’s personal dentist, played in the identification of the
Führer‘s dental remains following the end of the Second World War. A collaborative French-Russian documentary produced in 2017, translated below for the benefit of readers, provides the historical context. 

Related Posts: 

POST 17: SURVIVING IN BERLIN IN THE TIME OF HITLER: MY UNCLE FEDOR’S STORY 

POST 40: ELISABETH “LISA” PAULY NÉE KRÜGER, ONE OF MY UNCLE FEDOR’S “SILENT HEROES” 

POST 40, POSTSCRIPT: ELISABETH “LISA” PAULY NÉE KRÜGER, ONE OF GERMANY’S SILENT HEROES—DISCOVERING HER HUSBAND’S FATE 

POST 41: DR. OTTO BERGER & OTHER “SILENT HEROES” WHO HELPED MY UNCLE DR. FEDOR BRUCK SURVIVE THE NAZI REGIME 

POST 186: THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN A GERMAN “DENTIST” AND A GERMAN “ZAHNARZT” AND WHAT IT TELLS US ABOUT HITLER’S DENTIST AND HITLER’S FATE  

 

This post is inspired by a recent contact from a Russian Holocaust researcher, Ms. Elena Godunova (Figure 1), requesting permission to use several pictures and documents published on my blog related to my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck. (Figure 2) Our subsequent back-and-forth emails resulted in obtaining a few fascinating pictures of and learning some lesser-known facts about Käthe Heusermann (1909-1993) who was my uncle’s dental assistant in Liegnitz, Germany (today: Legnica, Poland). (Figure 3)

 

Figure 1. Russian Holocaust researcher, Ms. Elena Godunova

 

Figure 2. My uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck in 1930

 

Figure 3. My uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck in his dental office in Liegnitz, Germany with his young dental assistant, Käthe Heusermann

 

Elena also shared a link to a documentary, a Russian-French collaboration, discussing Käthe’s historical role in identifying Hitler’s teeth after the Second World War and the personal toll it took on her. I’ve discussed this in previous posts and will review it below. From my own personal knowledge based on historical accounts and on writings my uncle left behind discussing what Käthe told him about Hitler’s fate, the documentary is exacting and accurate. For this reason, I asked my good friend’s daughter for help transcribing the French narrative using AI and translating it into English; at the bottom of this post is the correlation of the narrative with the names and titles of the narrators. This allows readers to follow along as they watch the documentary and learn about Käthe’s historical significance. 

I begin this post by reintroducing readers to my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck who has been the subject of several earlier publications, notably, Post 17 and Post 41. I revisit this topic as a way of reacquainting followers with Käthe Heusermann. 

After Käthe moved to Berlin she become the assistant to Hitler’s personal dentist, Dr. Hugo Blaschke (1881-1959). (Figure 4) He was American-trained and seems to have attained his position more by virtue of his early membership in the National Socialist Party than due to his technical skills. As a matter of fact, in my uncle’s writings he specifically remarked on Dr. Blaschke’s outmoded, therefore very distinctive, dental techniques. This becomes relevant to the postwar identification of Hitler’s recovered dental remains and pertinent to the story I’m about to relate.

 

Figure 4. Hitler’s dentist, Dr. Hugo Blaschke

 

Let me begin by reviewing the historical context under which the events described in this post unfolded. My Uncle Fedor obtained his dental license from the University of Breslau (today: University of Wrocław) in around 1921. He had a private practice in Liegnitz, Germany from November 1924 until April 1936, when he was forced by the Nazis to shutter his practice. 

While Hitler did not become chancellor of Germany until January 30, 1933, dark clouds loomed before his ascendancy. Already, by March 1932, a letter (Figure 5) among my uncle’s surviving papers document that he had been relieved of his responsibilities as a so-called “Schulzahnarzt,” a school dentist for small municipalities surrounding Liegnitz. Schulzahnärzten merely examined pupils’ teeth, advising them whether a follow-up with a dentist was warranted. It’s important to understand that among German dentists there was widespread support for the National Socialist ideology. In anticipation of their rise to power, many dental organizations displaced their Jewish colleagues as a sign of “anticipatory obedience.”

 

Figure 5. A letter to my uncle from the Magistrate of Liegnitz dated the 22nd of March 1932 relieving him of his responsibilities as a so-called “Schulzahnarzt”

 

Formal restrictions on Jewish professionals in Nazi Germany began primarily with the “Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service” passed on April 7, 1933. This law barred Jews and political opponents from holding government, university, and public-school jobs. Some concurrent 1933 decrees stripped Jewish lawyers of their licenses to practice and severely restricted Jewish doctors and medical practitioners from treating non-Jewish patients or receiving payments from state health insurance funds. The 1933 laws initially made minor exceptions for Jewish veterans who fought for Germany in the First World War or for those who had been in office since 1914. Since my Uncle Fedor had fought and been wounded on the Russian Front in WWI (Figure 6), he had an exemption to continue working.

 

Figure 6. My Uncle Fedor in his military uniform

 

However, in September 1935, the Nazi Regime introduced the Nuremberg Laws comprising the “Reich Citizenship Law” and the “Law for the Protection of German Blood and German Honor.” A supplementary decree to the citizenship law issued in November 1935 removed the 1933 exemptions for WWI veterans, forcing all remaining Jewish public officials and civil servants into retirement by the end of 1935. By April 1936, my uncle had sold or shut down his practice. Presumably he left for Berlin shortly thereafter. 

Käthe may have relocated to Berlin at roughly the same time as my uncle. However, it’s unlikely she intended to continue working as his dental assistant given the increasingly restrictive prohibitions against associating with Jews. While Käthe worked for my uncle in a professional capacity in Liegnitz rather than in private employ, the Nazi regime prohibited Jewish households from employing German (non-Jewish) domestic workers under the age of 45 under the aforementioned “Law for the Protection of German Blood and German Honor.” The Nazis claimed this would prevent “race defilement” (Rassenschande), falsely alleging that Jewish men would have sexual relations with young German maids. 

Regardless, Käthe went on to work for Hitler’s dentist through circumstances that are unknown. By her own account she worked for Dr. Blaschke for almost ten years, roughly from 1936 until 1945. It is known Hitler had a designated dental office at the Reichstag where he received treatment. Most relevant to this post is that as Dr. Blaschke’s dental assistant, Käthe was always present when he attended to the Führer’s oral care. Thus, she was very familiar with the dental procedures that had been performed on him and with Blaschke’s signature dental work. 

As for my uncle, after leaving for Berlin, he could still work though under very trying circumstances. He continued to have a private practice at Fasanenstraße 20 in Berlin-Charlottenburg for a time. However, after the “Regulation for the Elimination of the Jews from the Economic Life of Germany” was enacted in February 1939, my uncle had his dental license revoked. Only in November 1939 was he again certified, but then only as a so-called “Zahnbehandler,” which meant he could only treat Jews and relatives. 

A document found in the archives at the Centrum Judaicum Berlin shows that during this period, specifically on June 11, 1939, my uncle converted from Judaism at the Messiah Chapel in Berlin’s Prenzlauer Berg, Kastanienallee 22. (Figure 7) He must still have believed at this late date, even after the violent pogrom of Kristallnacht the previous 9th-10th of November 1938, that conversion to Protestantism would alter his fate. I can only conclude that his status as a wounded German veteran of the First World War clouded his judgement making him believe this provided a protective cloak, though the supplementary decree accompanying passage of the Nuremberg Laws had specifically removed protection for Jewish veterans of WWI.

 

Figure 7. Messias Kapelle in Berlin where my Uncle Fedor converted to Protestantism in 1939 (former Evangelical Church)

 

For several months starting in March 1941, my uncle had the good fortune of managing the practice of a colleague preparing to emigrate from Germany. Then, again, in June 1941, he took over a well-equipped practice located in Kürfurstendamm. Thus, compared to many of his fellow Jews, for a time, he was better off economically. By January 1942, however, he had been permanently displaced from this last office by an Aryan colleague. 

Eventually, in a letter dated October 12, 1942 (Figure 8), my uncle was summoned by the Gestapo to present himself to an “age transport.” 

 

Figure 8. Letter dated October 12, 1942, telling my uncle to report to report for an “age transport”

 

Regarding Deportation

The undersigned has presented your evacuation case to the relevant authority. 

The application for a deferral was rejected; however, following this consultation, you have been assigned to the transport for the elderly—under the transport number indicated above—instead of the transport to the East. 

Respectfully,

Jewish Cultural Association of Berlin (Registered Association) – The Executive Board 

Realizing this meant deportation to a concentration camp and a death sentence, he fled to a friend living in Dahlem within the borough of Steglitz-Zehlendorf and went into hiding. This was the beginning of a two-and-a-half-year ordeal living “underground” in Berlin. In the ensuing months, Uncle Fedor found refuge with a cousin (see Post 40) or hid in “green belts,” coal cellars, and parks. 

Most helpful to him during his clandestine odyssey was a fellow dentist by the name of Dr. Otto Berger, a right-minded individual vehemently opposed to the National Socialists. Berger was somehow able to illegally procure papers for Fedor in the name of Dr. Friedrich Burkhardt (Figure 9), matching my uncle’s own initials; without this identity card, it is hard to imagine how my uncle would have survived.

 

Figure 9. My uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck’s false identity paper in the name of “Dr. Friedrich Burkhardt”

 

In March 1944, both Berger and my uncle were among nine survivors from a group of 44 people who had sought refuge from Allied bombing in an air raid shelter. Following this narrow escape, for a short period Fedor again hid with his cousin before returning to live with Berger. First, they lived in Berlin-Zehlendorf, then in an apartment in Berlin-Steglitz. Their last flat was destroyed by fire on the eve of the Russian push to capture Steglitz on April 26, 1945. 

It is worth noting that Roger Moorhouse, in his book entitled “Berlin at War: Life and Death in Hitler’s Capital 1939-1945,” estimates that of the 11,000 Jews who hid underground in Berlin between 1939 and 1945, only about 1,400 survived. My uncle was one of those. Luck certainly played a part. When his friend Dr. Sieber was arrested in his presence by the Gestapo on February 15, 1943, he was miraculously spared. It’s unclear how important his pre-war connections and non-Jewish relatives were to his survival, though they likely played a role. 

The capture by the Russians of Berlin-Steglitz where my uncle last lived with Dr. Berger marked the beginning of the next phase of my uncle’s life in Berlin. After the Russian capture of Berlin on May 4, 1945, my uncle followed in their footsteps and made his way to Käthe Heusermann’s apartment in Pariserstraße in Berlin-Wilmersdorf where he found her. Astonishingly, there is evidence to suggest that during his time underground my uncle was occasionally hidden by Käthe in her apartment. 

The Nazi command had wanted Käthe to evacuate to Obersalzberg as Dr. Blaschke and other high ranking Nazis hiding in the Reich Chancellery with Hitler were ordered to do. Käthe refused. She insisted on staying in Berlin hoping for the return of her soldier husband. 

Käthe Heusermann’s refusal to be evacuated to Obersalzberg may have saved her life. Käthe was seemingly tasked with packing Dr. Blaschke’s dental records and equipment, including Hitler’s records at the Reichstag. The plane carrying those records crashed and eight of the nine passengers aboard were killed. There is reason to believe Käthe would have been aboard this flight. The Bureau of Aircraft Accidents Archives (B3A) website includes a photo of the destroyed aircraft, a Junkers JU.352 Herkules, that went down in Börnersdorf. (Figure 10)

 

Figure 10. Details and photo of the Junkers JU.352 Herkules containing Hitler’s dental records that crashed on April 21, 1945, in Börnersdorf, Germany (photo credit: Bureau of Aircraft Accidents Archive)

 

Having been present in the Reich Chancellery until almost the Nazi regime’s bitter end, Käthe had learned of the Führer’s fate from his inner circle. According to my uncle’s written account, Käthe had told him what had happened to Hitler. My uncle’s former close association with Käthe Heusermann inadvertently made him a “witness” to history. After the war reporters and writers were wont to dismiss his account. Afterall, how could a Jewish survivor know whether Hitler had survived the war? 

The office building where Dr. Blaschke had his dental practice had only been slightly damaged. It was in Berlin-Charlottenburg, in the district of Berlin then occupied by the Russians. Käthe encouraged my uncle to apply to the Russians to take over Dr. Blaschke’s largely intact office. As a victim of National Socialism, he was entitled to such consideration. 

With the approval of the Russian commandant, my uncle was assigned Blaschke’s office and living quarters. Among my uncle’s surviving papers is a pass dated the 30th of May 1945 written in both German and Cyrillic permitting him safe passage to access his office and presumably move about. (Figures 11a-b) 

 

Figure 11a. Pass dated May 30, 1945, written in both German and Cyrillic, allowing my Uncle Fedor unhindered access to Dr. Blaschke’s former office

 

Figure 11b. Closeup of the Cyrillic writing on my uncle’s pass allowing him unhindered access to Dr. Blaschke’s former office

 

Dr. Blaschke’s dental office was located at Kürfurstendamm 213, in a building that still stands. (Figure 12) Post-war Berlin phone and address directories for both 1946 (Figure 13) and 1948 attest to this. They list my uncle Fedor Bruck as a “Zahnarzt” (dentist) occupying these premises, as indeed he did until he left for America in 1947 (his name continues to show up in the 1948 phone directory even though he was no longer in Berlin).

 

Figure 12. Entrance to Dr. Blaschke’s former office at Kürfurstendamm 213 as it looks today

 

Figure 13. 1946 Berlin phone directory listing my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck’s dental practice at Kurfurtendamm 213, Dr. Blaschke’s former office

 

According to the documentary translated below, Elena Rzhevskaya (Figure 14) from SMERSH, who ended the Second World War with the rank of Lieutenant, was tasked soon after hostilities ended in Berlin with ascertaining Hitler’s fate and determining whether dental remains discovered in the garden of the Reich Chancellery belonged to him.

 

Figure 14. Elena Rzhevskaya from SMERSH tasked with discovering Hitler’s fate after the fall of the Nazi Empire (photo credit: Elena Rzhevskaya’s book “Memoirs of a Wartime Interpreter: From the Battle of Rzhev to Hitler’s Bunker”)

 

SMERSH is an acronym for the Russian phrase Smert‘ shpionam, which translates directly to “death to spies.” Coined by Joseph Stalin, SMERSH was an umbrella term for independent counterintelligence agencies in the Soviet Red Army. As a trivial aside, in popular culture author Ian Fleming made the name famous by featuring SMERSH as James Bond’s ruthless fictional enemy organization. 

Elena Rzhevskaya was given a velvet-lined box containing the dental remains discovered in the Reich Chancellery and tasked with determining whether they belonged to Hitler. She immediately went in search of Hitler’s then-unknown dentist. She would eventually learn that his dental office, now occupied by my uncle, was still intact. She headed there in search of information about Blaschke. 

In writings my uncle left behind, he remarks on the arrival in his office of Russian military personnel including an unnamed woman who could have been none other than Elena Rzhevskaya. My uncle never mentioned her name, likely because she never told him. She asked about Dr. Blaschke and was told he had fled Berlin.  However, my uncle mentioned that Käthe Heusermann, as well as Fritz Echtmann, Dr. Blaschke’s dental technician, were still in Berlin. My uncle was ordered to fetch Käthe, and upon arrival she was interrogated by the Russians. 

As mentioned above, Käthe Heusermann had always been present when Hitler was undergoing dental treatment. Because Hitler was always treated in a specially equipped dental office at the Reichstag, none of his dental records appear to have been stored in Dr. Blaschke’s office. Because Hitler’s dental records were not found at the Reichstag, Elena Rzhevskaya was compelled to rely on Käthe’s description of the work that had been performed on Hitler. As the translated documentary below tells us, Käthe was asked to describe the work Blaschke had performed on Hitler from memory. She was NEVER shown the dental remains that had been recovered in the shallow grave at the Reich Chancellery. Nonetheless, her description and sketches of the dental procedures Blaschke had performed on Hitler precisely matched those that appeared on the dental remains from the Reich Chancellery. While she was endlessly cross-examined by Russian officials, Käthe was consistent in her description of Hitler’s teeth and the work done on them. As the documentary attests, based on her testimony, the Russians had no doubt Hitler had killed himself. 

Nonetheless, Stalin assertively lied to the Allies and claimed that Hitler had fled to either Spain or Argentina or escaped in a submarine to Japan. Stalin chose to conceal what had happened to Hitler. For him, knowledge was power and he could potentially use the information about Hitler’s fate against the Allies in the future in yet unknown ways. Afterall, the “cold war” had already started. 

The fact that Stalin didn’t want the world knowing Hitler was dead put both Käthe Heusermann and Fritz Echtmann in danger, and in fact both were eventually arrested, taken to Russia, and given ten-year prison sentences. They were not released until 1955. Readers can pick up the thread of what happened to Käthe by reading the translation of the documentary below. 

As a side note, my Uncle Fedor was warned by the Americans that because of his knowledge of Hitler’s fate and Stalin’s wish to keep this information concealed, he too was in danger of being whisked away by the Russians. It’s for this reason that he fled Berlin and left his dental practice behind. 

As mentioned at the outset, Elena Godunova, the Russian Holocaust researcher who inspired this post, sent me a few pictures of Käthe Heusermann and Fritz Echtmann taken in Moscow. These include mugshots of the two of them (Figures 15-16) after their arrest by the Russian NKVD (Romanized: Narodnyy komissariat vnutrennikh del), the People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs; this was the interior ministry and the secret police of the Soviet Union from 1934 to 1946. The other is of Käthe and Fritz with two Russian officers in a park setting possibly in Berlin. (Figure 17)

 

Figure 15. Mugshot of Käthe Heusermann taken by the NKVD after her arrest and deportation to Russia (photo credit: Электронная библиотека исторических документов (ЭБИД) | Агония и смерть Адольфа Гитлера)

 

Figure 16. Mugshot of Fritz Echtmann, Dr. Blaschke’s dental technician, taken by the NKVD after his arrest and deportation to Russia (photo credit: Электронная библиотека исторических документов (ЭБИД) | Агония и смерть Адольфа Гитлера)

 

Figure 17. Käthe Heusermann and Fritz Echtmann with two Russian officers in a photo possibly taken in Berlin (photo credit: 10 лет тюрьмы: как СССР «отблагодарил» женщину, которая помогла опознать труп Гитлера https://share.google/ISgAVFfclRLwOB1yh)

 

Of particular interest, Elena Godunova shared a Russian article about one of Hitler’s first cousins, Maria Koppensteiner (1899-1953). Maria was the daughter of Hitler’s mother’s sister. The Koppensteiners lived in the town of Gmünd in Lower Austria that fell within the Soviet occupation zone after the war. In late May 1945, Maria Koppensteiner was arrested by the counter-intelligence unit of the 3rd Ukrainian Front, along with other members of her family. Hitler’s cousin was arrested based on “kinship liability,” according to Austrian historian Stefan Karner, though Maria had not seen her cousin Adolf since 1907. 

Initially, Hitler’s relatives were imprisoned in Lefortovo Prison in Moscow. Of personal interest is that for a time Maria shared a cell with Käthe Heusermann. One of my readers rhetorically asked: “One wonders whether it was intentional putting them together, maybe to see if they would talk about Hitler (their cells had listening devices, from what I can tell from reports of the prisoners’ conversations being quoted in their intelligence reports). I recall someone saying Heusermann suspected the Soviets of planting ‘moles’ as cell-companions, so they could trick the prisoners into talking about Hitler.” (Andrew van Ginkel, personal communication) 

According to the documentary, Käthe Heusermann was not formally tried until 1951. She was given a ten-year prison term and credited for the 6 ½ years she’d already spent in prison by the time she was convicted. She was exiled to Siberia, and according to Elena Godunova, was held at Ozerlag in the Irkutsk region, likely transported there and back along the Trans-Siberian Railway. Käthe wrote a short account of her years of imprisonment, leaving it forgotten at the back of a drawer, and never looked back. In 1992, she was rehabilitated as a “victim of political repression.” Käthe Heusermann died in 1993. 

As we speak, I’m working with Elena Godunova to try and contact Lioubov Summ, the granddaughter of Elena Rzhevskaya, hoping to obtain a copy of Käthe Heusermann’s unpublished memoir. Beyond being of historical interest, I’m curious whether Käthe mentions working for my uncle as a dental assistant in Liegnitz.

 

Figure 18. Ms. Lioubov Summ, Elena Rzhevskaya’s granddaughter, who may have a copy of Käthe Heusermann’s unpublished memoir

 

 

Mort d’Hitler, l’histoire d’un secret d’État TRANSLATION 

EDITOR’S NOTE: THE TEXT BELOW STANDS ON ITS OWN SHOULD READERS CHOOSE NOT TO VIEW THE 52-MINUTE DOCUMENTARY. 

NARRATOR: This is the final battle. Berlin is a gigantic pile of rubble, and the Nazi empire is now confined to the streets of the capital’s center, which is under siege by the Red Army. 

For our soldiers, the priority is to capture the leader of the Third Reich—it is a symbol, a symbol of war and fascism.  He is, therefore, a trophy, and everyone is searching for him. 

Where is Hitler?  To whom do the charred remains found in the Chancellery garden belong—remains that, some time ago, were miraculously pulled intact from the rubble? Will they reveal the fate of the Nazi dictator? 

Two young women. One is Soviet—Elena Rzhevskaya, an interpreter for the Red Army. The other is German— Käthe Heusermann, Hitler’s dentist’s assistant.  They are at the heart of the investigation and play a decisive role in identifying the remains of the Nazi leader. 

The witness states, “I clearly recognize the gold teeth and dentures presented to me.” 

Stalin is immediately informed of the discovery of the remains and then of their identification. He knows there is no doubt. Hitler is dead. 

Stalin knows the truth. Hitler is dead, but he chooses to lie and tells the Allies that the monster is alive and has managed to escape. 

Why didn’t Stalin tell the Allies anything? To keep a secret? It could always come in handy. 

The story of Hitler’s death is characteristic of Stalin’s paranoid attitude toward the West.

Stalin’s lie about Hitler’s death lasted nearly 50 years. All the evidence is hidden. Kept secret until the day the Soviet Union disappears and the truth can finally be told. 

Nothing can be hidden. Everything eventually comes to light. Everyone should learn this lesson from history. 

For the Soviet Union, the war began in June 1941 with a surprise attack by Hitler. Within a few months, the enemy was at the gates of Moscow, and Stalin ordered the mass mobilization of the population. The regiments—almost entire armies—marching through Red Square set off directly for the front. 

Elena is just 22 years old and already has a two-year-old child, but the Red Army needs interpreters, and Elena, who speaks German, enlists.  Four years later, she is part of the first Soviet detachment to enter Berlin, tasked with capturing the Nazi leaders. No one knows where Hitler is; he is said to be dead or dying, the victim of a cerebral hemorrhage. Or perhaps his officers executed him—unless he took his own life. But according to Soviet radio reporters following in the Red Army’s wake in Berlin, Hitler is, on the contrary, very much alive and in hiding in the Tyrol. It is a lookalike who is fighting in his place in the streets of the capital, watched over by Nazi propaganda officials who are waiting for the moment he falls so they can photograph him and deceive the Allies. A final rumor claims that Hitler is hiding in the ruins of the Reichstag. It is a historic moment—The storming of the Nazi Parliament and Elena hasn’t forgotten a thing. 

ELENA RZHEVSKAYA: I’m going around in circles. It was our division that led the attack on the Reichstag.  It was a stroke of luck and a great honor for us. 

NARRATOR: They attacked the Reichstag thinking Hitler was hiding there, but in reality, no one knew where he was. 

Hitler was not at the Reichstag, as the Soviet command had believed. The Red Army’s vanguard then headed toward the Chancellery—the heart of Nazi power. 

ELENA RZHEVSKAYA: It was terrifying to imagine that Hitler might still be there. We were on edge. Where is Hitler—alive or dead?  

NARRATOR: German radio had just announced the Führer’s death, fallen in his heroic struggle against Bolshevism.  And that night, the German Chief of Staff, General Krebs, made his way to Soviet headquarters. He wanted to begin peace talks and informed his counterpart, Marshal Zhukov, of Hitler’s death. 

In his memoirs, Zhukov recalls immediately having Stalin woken up in Moscow. “He got what he deserved—that bastard. Where is the body?” asks Stalin. “According to the German general, the body was burned,” replies Zhukov. “Too bad we couldn’t take him alive,” concludes the master of the Kremlin. 

While people continue to die in the streets of downtown Berlin, the small group of scouts, along with Elena, the interpreter, makes its way to the Chancellery Garden. Right above the bunker where Hitler may have been hiding for several months. 

He comes upon a chaotic scene, a landscape pockmarked by shells and corpses everywhere.  They quickly recognize the first body, Joseph Goebbels, then his wife Magda and their six children. 

ELENA RZHEVSKAYA: Goebbels’ body was burned but still recognizable. It was carried out onto the street in front of the Chancellery to be displayed—to show Hitler’s close associate, the Minister of Propaganda. In Hitler’s absence it was already a symbol of the fall of the Third Reich.  

NARRATOR: Hitler’s body had not yet been found, but the very next day, the news of his death made headlines on the front pages of newspapers around the world. 

Except in the Soviet Union. Pravda, the official organ of the Communist Party and the voice of the Kremlin, wrote that the announcement of Hitler’s death was a ruse intended to facilitate the Nazi leader’s escape. As a result, in Paris as well, people were filled with doubt and uncertainty. 

In the garden of the Chancellery. The search continues everywhere—through the rubble, the shell craters, the piled-up bodies. Suddenly, someone thinks they recognize the monster’s mustache on one of the corpses. Immediately, there is excitement and confusion; people are brought in from the bunker, and the truth must be faced: it is not Hitler—the mustache alone is not enough to make the dictator—but the legend of the lookalike is born. 

On orders from the Soviet high command, the entire occupying Red Army is searching for Hitler, but the actual investigation is secret and limited to just three people: Major Gorbushin, Commander Bistrof, and Elena, the indispensable interpreter without whom no interrogation of German prisoners is possible. The two officers are part of the SMERSH, a military intelligence unit that reports directly to Stalin. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): The SMERSH is a special intelligence unit under Stalin’s direct authority, headed by Victor Abakumov, who was considered at the time to be one of Stalin’s protégés and oversaw the most secret operations. He spied on the generals. He eavesdropped on all conversations. In short, he deals not only with spies who might attempt to infiltrate the Red Army, but also with traitors within the army itself. Abakoumov keeps an eye on everyone. Stalin entrusts him only with the most secret and delicate missions—if you can call them that. 

NARRATOR: It is the SMERSH that is investigating Hitler’s death. This demonstrates Stalin’s involvement in this matter, as well as the absolute discretion that must surround the investigations. The top-secret reports from the special unit are read by only three people: Stalin, of course, Molotov, the foreign minister, and Beria, the sinister head of the NKVD—the predecessor to the KGB. 

In the stifling atmosphere of the bunker, Elena sorts through the papers on Hitler’s desk and interrogates the first prisoners. 

ELENA RZHEVSKAYA: On May 4, I interviewed a small man, the bunker’s heating engineer. He was the one in charge of ventilation in the rooms occupied by Hitler. He saw how the lifeless bodies of Hitler and Eva Braun were carried out of the bunker. 

NARRATOR: Based on the initial statements from their prisoners, the investigators are convinced that Hitler remained holed up in his bunker until the very end and strongly suspect that he committed suicide just before the arrival of the first Soviet soldiers. They also know that all the gas for the vehicles stored in the Chancellery garage was requisitioned after 12 p.m. on April 30. Did Hitler disappear without a trace by ordering that his body be completely burned after his death? Are there still remains to be found, and where should they be searched for? 

SERGEY MIRONENKO (HISTORIAN—FORMER DIRECTOR OF THE RUSSIAN STATE ARCHIVE): The bodies of Hitler and Eva Braun were discovered entirely by chance. In the garden of the Chancellery a soldier saw the tip of a boot in good condition sticking out of a hole covered with dirt. He decided to pull it out and found two bodies. 

RUDOLF PIKHOYA (HISTORIAN, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE ARCHIVES COMMITTEE): At that point, they did not know if it was really Hitler, unlike Goebbels’s body, which was recognizable because gas had to be economized and his features had been spared. These remains were completely charred. 

NARRATOR: Official Report on the Discovery of Two Bodies.  May 5, 1945. Near Hitler’s bunker, we discovered and exhumed two burned bodies that were impossible to identify. 

The Goebbels family, several officers, and remains that are still unidentified.  The SMERSH now holds about ten remains, some more charred than others. 

Vice Admiral Vos admitted to being one of the last people to have seen Goebbels and Hitler alive. Identifying Goebbels poses no problem, but the body believed to be Hitler’s is too badly damaged to be visually identified, even by a member of the inner circle. 

After the autopsy, doubts remain. The results are consistent with what is known about Hitler—his height and weight. But the doctors cannot say with certainty that these charred remains are indeed all that is left of him. There is only one hope left for identifying him.  The teeth. 

ELENA RZHEVSKAYA: Both jaws were well preserved.  15 teeth on the lower jaw.  On May 8, my commander, Major Gorbushin, asked me to come see him.  He handed me a burgundy-colored box and said, “These are Hitler’s teeth. You are responsible for them.” 

NARRATOR: It was Victory Day, the end of a war that had claimed tens of millions of victims. Amid the ruins of Berlin, Elena, the 25-year-old Soviet interpreter, refrains from toasting or joining in the celebrations. She is the secret guardian of a small box lined with red satin that may contain all that remains of the mad dictator who led the world into catastrophe. 

In the suburbs of Berlin, in the middle of the night, under the chairmanship of Marshal Zhukov, the Allies, facing Marshal Ketel, sign Germany’s act of surrender. 

This time the war is finally over. 

First thing in the morning, Elena and her officers set out in search of the one person who would surely know the name of the owner of the teeth: Hitler’s dentist.  The investigators know nothing about him—neither his name nor his address, let alone whether he is still alive and in Berlin. 

After a day of wandering and following dead ends, they finally obtain a name and, at the same time, the information that the dentist fled the city about fifteen days ago. But they also learn that his assistant has remained in Berlin, hoping for the return of her soldier husband.  A few hours later, Elena meets Käthe Heusermann, a smiling, friendly young woman who, for nearly 10 years, has been present at every one of Hitler’s visits to his dentist. The Führer’s teeth should hold no secrets for her. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): She became the key witness because teeth are of no use unless one also finds the person who can identify them.  

NICOLAY VLADIMIRTSEV (HISTORIAN AT THE RUSSIAN NATIONAL ARCHIVES): During the interrogation of Käthe Heusermann, the witness states: “I clearly recognize the gold teeth and dentures presented to me. They belong to Chancellor Hitler.” The witness made the same statement regarding Eva Braun. This testimony is the most important piece of evidence.  It proves that these teeth truly belong to Hitler. 

ELENA RZHEVSKAYA: She had been asked to draw a diagram of Hitler’s teeth, but without showing her the teeth that had been found.  

NARRATOR: Käthe was present at all of the Führer’s dental appointments, and she hasn’t forgotten a single detail about Hitler’s disastrous set of teeth.  Her drawing matches exactly the jawbone found by the Soviets. There is no longer any doubt: the charred body discovered in a hole in the Chancellery garden is all that remains of the greatest criminal of the 20th century.  

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): On May 11, they escorted her home with heartfelt thanks and many cans of food.  They know they’ve successfully identified Hitler.  So, to thank Käthe Heusermann, they give her food, but for themselves, they were hoping to receive medals. 

NARRATOR: Hitler is indeed dead. But is Stalin aware? For the Soviet command in Berlin, it’s very clear. Hitler is dead, and Stalin is immediately informed. 

RUDOLF PIKHOYA (HISTORIAN, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE ARCHIVES COMMITTEE): Failing to give Stalin a detailed report on such a matter is completely impossible. Absolutely out of the question, because Hitler is a symbol that carries very strong political significance, like the storming of the Reichstag and the conquest of Berlin. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): It’s obvious. Stalin was immediately informed of the discovery of the remains and then of their identification. He knew there was no doubt. Hitler was dead. 

NARRATOR: Stalin rarely left the Kremlin, but he had eyes and ears everywhere.  Every day, documents concerning Hitler’s death and identification pile up on his desk, becoming increasingly precise and definitive.  And following Käthe Heusermann’s testimony, it is no longer a matter of speculation—we know. Hitler is dead, and Stalin has been informed.

However, a few days later, a general whose identity has remained secret arrives in Berlin to verify everything. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): The general resumes all the interrogations, and for the first time, Elena, as an interpreter, is warned that she will be held responsible in the event of an erroneous translation. Everyone is warned and threatened. 

NARRATOR: For the purposes of the new investigation, the SMERSH comes to fetch Käthe Heusermann and orders him to pack a suitcase for an absence of about a week. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): Minutes of the supplementary interrogation of Käthe Heusermann. It is recorded that it began at 1:15 a.m. and ended at 6:00 a.m.  The questions are repeated endlessly—always the same ones. She is made to say, over and over, what she knows about Hitler’s teeth, and after she has explained everything, she is asked the same question again.  “So, you continue to assert that the teeth and dentures presented to you belong to Hitler?”  “Yes, I confirm that.” The document is only five pages long, but we know the interrogation lasted 5 hours. So, we can imagine how many times she was forced to repeat the same answers. 

NARRATOR: The unnamed general did not sign any official record. And at the end of the second investigation, which fully confirmed the first, he leaves just as mysteriously as he arrived. Investigators are certain of Hitler’s death thanks to Käthe Heusermann’s positive identification of his teeth.  But this information has still not been made public, and the Soviet command in Berlin officially maintains the order to search for Hitler, dead or alive. A medal is even promised to whoever succeeds in capturing him. Yet, although the SMERSH investigation was conducted in the utmost secrecy, rumors are circulating outside the Soviet zone, and the international press is picking up on them. The Russians are said to have found and identified the remains of the Nazi leader. 

Even the world is wondering, awaiting the necessary Soviet confirmation. 

The next act takes place in the Kremlin. Harry Hopkins is an advisor to U.S. President Truman, and he arrives in Moscow in late May 1945 for a series of meetings with Stalin to prepare for the first postwar conference among the Big Three.  When Hopkins asks Stalin where Hitler is, Stalin replies that he believes Hitler is alive, that he managed to escape, and that he may have fled in a submarine to seek refuge in Japan. 

This was the first false claim regarding Hitler’s death made by Stalin himself and recorded in black and white in the secret memorandum that was sent to Washington that very evening. 

Ten days later, in Berlin, Marshal Zhukov held a press conference for foreign correspondents.  They expect the rumors about the discovery and identification of Hitler’s remains to be confirmed. But to the journalists’ surprise, Zhukov asserts, on the contrary, that no trace of Hitler could be found, that he is therefore certainly alive, that he managed to escape by plane, and that he has taken refuge in Spain or Argentina. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): Zhukov’s statement can be explained by the fact that he follows Stalin’s orders to the letter, since Stalin did not order him to tell the truth. The bodies were found and identified. So, he is lying. 

RUDOLF PIKHOYA (HISTORIAN, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE ARCHIVES COMMITTEE): Why didn’t Stalin say anything to the Allies? The answer is not simple. It is more of a psychological matter—knowing something that others do not know. It’s always advantageous to hold onto a secret. It can always come in handy. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): The story of Hitler’s death is characteristic of Stalin’s paranoid attitude toward the West. We mustn’t give them too much information or evidence. Perhaps one day, it will be to our advantage to have left them in the dark. 

NARRATOR: That’s it—the lie has been thrown in the world’s face. There is widespread consternation, because no one can imagine that, just one month after the joint victory, the Soviets could lie to their allies about such a matter. Why? To what end?  It’s absurd. No. If Zhukov claims that Hitler hasn’t been found, then he hasn’t been found. 

A few weeks later, Stalin, Truman, and Churchill met in Potsdam, near Berlin, for their first postwar summit.  The future was being decided here in discussions among the three leaders, and particularly the future of Eastern Europe. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): At that time, the disagreements between the Soviet Union and the Allies were only getting worse due to Soviet control over the countries of Eastern Europe and because of Soviet policy in the territories occupied by the Red Army. 

NARRATOR: Compared to these issues, the question of Hitler’s fate was obviously of very secondary importance. However, an advisor to Truman recounts that during an informal dinner with the American president, Stalin asserted once again that Hitler was alive and was either in Spain or Argentina. In Potsdam, the three leaders also had to decide which Nazi leaders would be placed in the dock in a few months, at the Nuremberg trials. Stalin had just reiterated this. Hitler is alive. He, therefore, should be at the top of the list of criminals to be tried. But curiously, no one asked for him. Not the Americans, not the British, not even Stalin. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): Everything is kept secret in case it might be needed one day. This is the reality of our country, the Soviet Union, where everything operates according to the rules of the secret police.  Everyone is watched, threatened, and intimidated. 

ELENA RZHEVSKAYA: It could be said that Stalin’s decision to hide what belonged to all the Allies was the first Soviet move in the Cold War. 

NARRATOR: For Elena, the time has come to take off her uniform and put on a pretty dress and ladies’ shoes.  A few souvenir photos and one last visit to Käthe, the key witness to Hitler’s death, who is still being held at Soviet headquarters.  Between interrogations, the young women hit it off.  The Russian interpreter and the German dental assistant feel they’ve been part of an extraordinary adventure, even if it must remain a secret. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): Their last conversation was very warm. Käthe said, “I, too, will soon be free. I’m going back to Berlin. We can meet before you leave; I’ll take you to my hairdresser.” And in the end, it didn’t happen. 

NARRATOR: The Great Patriotic War lasted four years. It ravaged the Soviet Union, costing it more than 20 million lives.  Elena’s husband died in battle. Her daughter has grown up, and Elena now dreams of becoming a writer.  But she is worried. She knows she knows something that the Kremlin leader has decided must remain a secret.  

IOURI KAGAN (BROTHER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA):  Those who had participated in the investigation into Hitler’s death were aware that they held a state secret, and they could confide in no one.  At the time, Elena didn’t tell me, her father, or her mother, about it. We didn’t know her story. 

NARRATOR: For their part, the British and Americans have not given up on uncovering the truth about Hitler’s mysterious disappearance, and they still hope to obtain Soviet assistance. 

NICOLAY VLADIMIRTSEV (HISTORIAN AT THE RUSSIAN NATIONAL ARCHIVES): Here is a request for information sent by the Anglo-American Allies to the Soviet command in Berlin.  Our generals have forwarded this letter to Molotov and Stalin and are requesting instructions.  What information are they authorized to disclose, and may they cooperate with the Anglo-American investigation into Hitler’s death? 

NARRATOR: The archives contain a draft of a positive response to this request sent by Beria to Molotov, but the Allies themselves never received anything. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): It is clear that the ultimate decision-maker was above Molotov and Beria. It was Stalin himself. If Stalin had decided to tell the Allies everything—even to show them or hand over the body—it would have been done. But Stalin decided that no information should be released. 

NICOLAY VLADIMIRTSEV (HISTORIAN AT THE RUSSIAN NATIONAL ARCHIVES): Why was this collaboration refused? It is a question of high politics that should have been put to Stalin himself—and for which we will never find a clear and precise answer. 

NARRATOR: The lie spread around the world and became fodder for the tabloid press.  We see Hitler everywhere, in every corner of the globe, along with those nostalgic for the regime.  Nazis are taking advantage of this to sow doubt.  Hitler is not dead. He will return to save Greater Germany. 

Of all the legends, there is one that particularly exasperates the British. The Soviets are now accusing the British of having facilitated Hitler’s escape and of keeping him hidden somewhere in their own occupation zone in order to use him one day against their Soviet ally. 

To put an end to this insulting accusation, a young British historian, Hughes Trevor-Roper, is tasked with investigating Hitler’s fate.  The Russians refuse to cooperate and deny all access to the Chancellery area under their control. But Trevor-Roper tracks down and interviews numerous witnesses to the final moments in the bunker in the Anglo-American prisoner-of-war camps.  Within a few weeks, he was convinced. Hitler did indeed commit suicide shortly after noon on April 30, and his body was burned by his guards. His report was convincing, but he had no direct evidence—no body.  This, therefore, is not enough to stop the ever-increasing and increasingly far-fetched rumors. 

For years, the FBI receives thousands of reports of Hitler’s whereabouts from around the world, which it must verify and file away. 

March 1953.  It was a global shock. Stalin is dead. The leader of world communism, the bloodthirsty dictator, the victor of World War II, the ruthless tyrant, the leader both adored and hated—has disappeared. And no one knows what the future holds for the regime of terror that he managed to impose for nearly 30 years in the Soviet Union. On Red Square, Beria has the honor of delivering the eulogies—the head of the secret police who hopes to rise to the highest office, but who, before the end of the year, will be executed with a bullet to the back of the neck in a KGB basement. The disappearance of two of his main executioners, a few months apart, may mark the end of fear for the Soviet people—and for Elena, who still holds one of Stalin’s secrets. 

IOURI KAGAN (BROTHER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA):  After Stalin’s death, beginning in 1953, Elena broke free. She began to speak, telling us what had happened and how she had been involved in the events in Berlin in ’45.  But she couldn’t prove anything. 

NARRATOR: All the secrets of a criminal regime lie on those countless, completely inaccessible shelves. Ten years later, the truth about Hitler’s death remains hidden in archives that no one has the right to access and in the memories of only a handful of surviving witnesses. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): Elena was able to publish a short story that ends with these words: “During those days in the bunker beneath the Chancellery, Hitler committed suicide.” So, I asked her—since it was no longer a secret—if it was okay to say that he had committed suicide. “Could you talk about it?” I asked. She said: “Yes, since the true cause of his death remained unknown, we were allowed to say that he had committed suicide by taking poison or shooting himself in the head. We could also make up a story that he escaped to Argentina, disguised as a woman.” 

NARRATOR: In Moscow, in 1955, Elena was allowed to say and write that Hitler had committed suicide, but not more. But it was still impossible to recount the investigation, the identification of the remains, and even less so Stalin’s lie.  Anyway, who would believe her? Where’s the evidence? Among the many versions of Hitler’s disappearance, the suicide theory is now the one favored by those in power, but not just any suicide. 

RUDOLF PIKHOYA (HISTORIAN, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE ARCHIVES COMMITTEE): The idea that Hitler poisoned himself is much more interesting for propaganda purposes than if he had shot himself in the head.  Suicide by gunshot is an act of courage, whereas taking poison is a sign of cowardice. 

NARRATOR: There was the first lie told by Stalin himself.  Hitler is alive and managed to escape. Then, a half-truth gradually took its place.  Hitler ultimately committed suicide—but by poisoning himself like a coward. 

RUDOLF PIKHOYA (HISTORIAN, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE ARCHIVES COMMITTEE): This legend would be repeated and regurgitated until it became completely impossible to dispel the lie. 

NARRATOR: 1965, 20 years after the event, Brezhnev. For the first time since the end of the war, the Soviet leadership decided to commemorate the victory. 

RUDOLF PIKHOYA (HISTORIAN, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE ARCHIVES COMMITTEE): When Leonid Brezhnev, a true war veteran, became head of state, little by little, a window began to open, allowing for the study of the history of the war.  And it was at that moment that a small—though very limited. 

IOURI KAGAN (BROTHER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): The opportunity for publication also arose for researchers to mark the 20th anniversary of the end of the war. Can you believe it—20 years have already passed? So, in 1965, Elena decided to write a true historical work. How events unfolded, what the intelligence services managed to accomplish. 

NARRATOR: Elena is now a respected writer. But the story of Hitler’s death—or rather, the story of the lie surrounding Hitler’s death—obsesses her, and she is determined to tell it at all costs. For her account to be irrefutable and to put an end to the legends, it must be based on the evidence hidden in the archives. After numerous requests, she finally obtained permission to enter the off-limits building—a strictly supervised visit for a very limited time. So, Elena frantically copied all the documents brought to her. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): She filled five large notebooks. She wasn’t the one doing the research, and she didn’t know what was kept in those archives. There was no catalog, and she couldn’t wander through the shelves to choose what she wanted either. She had to remain seated at her desk, and an officer would bring her one file after another. What matters is the interest in the documents varied widely. One day, she opened a file containing a list of various trophies sent from Berlin to Moscow: Hitler’s coat, a paper doll recovered from the bunker.  And on the list, among the objects, were the names of Käthe Heusermann and several other Germans.  That’s how my grandmother learned that Kate had been sent to Moscow as an object. 

NARRATOR: It was a huge shock. Elena suddenly found herself transported 20 years back in time to Berlin, in the interrogation room of the Soviet General Staff.  Käthe Heusermann, Hitler’s dentist’s assistant, was the key witness who helped identify the monster’s remains. The cheerful young woman with whom Elena had bonded— Käthe—whom the Soviet secret service would not release. 

INGEBORG HILLS (NIECE OF KÄTHE HEUSERMANN) READING FROM KÄTHE’S UNPUBLISHED MEMOIRS: “On July 29, 1945, at 6 a.m., I was transported by truck with seven other prisoners to the Berlin airport, and we boarded a cargo plane bound for Moscow.  Upon arrival, we were immediately crammed into a salad bowl and taken to solitary confinement at the Lubyanka Prison. My cell was very small, seven paces long, and water was seeping from the black-painted walls.” 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): She does not understand how long they will keep her or why she has not been charged with any crime. She is completely baffled by her situation and the reason for her imprisonment. 

INGEBORG HILLS (NIECE OF KÄTHE HEUSERMANN) READING FROM KÄTHE’S UNPUBLISHED MEMOIRS: “I remained in solitary confinement for six years, and in August ‘51, I was charged.  I was accused of helping the bourgeois system prolong the war by participating in dental care of Hitler. During the sessions, I should have killed Hitler—for example, by smashing a water bottle over his head? And in doing so, I would have saved the world.” 

NARRATOR: Six years of solitary confinement in KGB prisons. And then suddenly, in August 1951, an absurd accusation and a conviction without trial. 

What happened was that one month earlier, Abakouov, the former head of SMERSH, who had become Minister of State Security and was Stalin’s protégé, fell abruptly from grace and was arrested. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): In 1951, when Abakouov was arrested, it was discovered that there were a number of Germans—witnesses to Hitler’s death—who were being held without even having arrest warrants issued. So, a list was drawn up, and Stalin was asked what should be done with them.  The decision was to convict them; they were all sentenced to many years in prison— on trumped up political charges—that way, no one would say anything and everything would be in order. 

INGEBORG HILLS (NIECE OF KÄTHE HEUSERMANN) READING FROM KÄTHE’S UNPUBLISHED MEMOIRS: “I was sentenced to 10 years in a maximum-security labor camp in Siberia. But they took into account the six and a half years I had already served. I signed my sentence. I was glad to be going to a camp with fellow sufferers and to escape from my stone tomb in Moscow.” 

NARRATOR: In December 1951, Käthe left Moscow for Siberia in a cattle car.  She was given back the small suitcase she’d packed in Berlin for her summer trip to Europe, when she’d planned to be away for a week.  The journey lasted 14 days, and Käthe recounts that whenever a prisoner died of cold or hunger, the guards would open the train car door and throw the body into the snow. 

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): Käthe writes that the work quota was very high. “I couldn’t meet it. At the time, I didn’t even weigh 40 kg. I was never able to meet that quota. And as punishment, I was deprived of part of my food rations. I wasn’t allowed anything in the morning or at night, only in the middle of the day. If I hadn’t had a good friend who worked hard and shared her rations with me, I would have starved to death.” 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): Why were the witnesses to Hitler’s death kept in prison until 1955 or 1956?  What was the dentist’s assistant guilty of—she was imprisoned and sentenced like so many others? Why were they arrested by the KGB? Why did they serve such long sentences?  

LIOUBOV SUMM (GRANDDAUGHTER OF ELENA RZHEVSKAYA): Käthe Heusermann was convicted as a witness to Hitler’s death. She was imprisoned in the Soviet Union so that her testimony would not prevent this historical fact from being concealed. She suffered because of the service she rendered to history. 

NARRATOR: First a secret prisoner, then convicted of a fabricated crime, she was detained until that day in 1955 when her 10-year sentence was fully served.  Then her status suddenly changed. 

INGEBORG HILLS (NIECE OF KÄTHE HEUSERMANN) READING FROM KÄTHE’S UNPUBLISHED MEMOIRS: “We arrived in Moscow on June 1 and were taken on a bus tour of the city. We were shown the Kremlin, the university, and particularly the metro, whose stations are all decorated in different artistic styles with mosaics, paintings, and marble.” 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): The German prisoner of war sentenced to 25 years or a little less goes from being a prisoner of the Soviet Union to a foreign tourist; all of a sudden, he becomes a free man or woman waiting for the moment to return to his homeland—so why not give him a tour of Moscow so he can leave as a friend of the Soviet Union, and then he can say, “Here is the kindness of the communists.”  “Yes, we threw you in prison for 10 years, but now you’re a friend—almost a brother.” “Go on leave!” 

NARRATOR: Käthe returns to Germany by express train with a sleeper car, white sheets, and a lampshade all to yourself. In the Soviet Union, tourists are required to spend all their foreign currency before leaving the country along with their few rubles. So, the men in the convoy buy Crimean champagne in the dining car and leave the change as a tip for the waiters. 

By 1950, nearly 2 million German prisoners had been repatriated from the Soviet Union. And by 1955, only a few thousand prisoners remained in Siberia. Käthe is among the very last. 

Upon arriving in Hanover, she called her sister. Her 19-year-old niece answered the phone. 

INGEBORG HILLS (NIECE OF KÄTHE HEUSERMANN): Yes, that’s right. Exactly. I was home alone, completely distraught. What should I do? What should I do?  I have to go to the train station. I recognized her right away. She hadn’t changed that much.  It was I, on the contrary, who must have grown up over all those years. 

NARRATOR: For eight years, Käthe’s family knew nothing of what had happened to her.  It was only two years earlier that a fellow camp inmate, who had just been released, was able to inform her brother and sister that she was alive and in Siberia.  But the husband whose return she had awaited in Berlin in May ’45—he was the one who had grown tired of waiting.  Käthe had been declared dead, and her husband had remarried. 

INGEBORG HILLS (NIECE OF KÄTHE HEUSERMANN): She immediately adapted to her new life.  Soon, she told us with great determination: “Well, that chapter of my life is over. Now I’m starting a new life. I’m not a woman whose husband is away. I am… I have no idea what I am.”  It’s true—what are you when you’ve been declared dead?  Dead. I don’t know what they’d call that. 

NARRATOR: Elena’s book was published to mark the 20th anniversary of the end of the war. It wasn’t without its difficulties. It had to pass through a double layer of censorship: the usual, standard censorship that every book undergoes in the Soviet Union, and then a more exceptional form of censorship by the KGB.  The security service didn’t make too much of a fuss but refused to let Elena write that she had been authorized to consult KGB archives. Her book is therefore still not a historical document based on archival evidence, but once again a work of fiction in which Elena is not allowed to mention secrets or lies either.  So, we must wait another 25 years. 

In 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed, and in front of the Lubyanka building, the statue of Dzerzhinsky—the founder of the GPU, the predecessor of the KGB—was dismantled. 

Will we finally be able to learn and tell the truth about a country and a regime that no longer exist?  

SERGEY MIRONENKO (HISTORIAN—FORMER DIRECTOR OF THE RUSSIAN STATE ARCHIVE): When I became director of the State Archives of our National Archives in 1992, there was a sort of handover of power. My predecessor handed me a cardboard box containing fragments of Hitler’s skull and the documents from the investigation into his death.  It was only after the collapse of the Soviet Union that what has been called the “archives revolution” could begin. Millions—and I mean millions—of documents were declassified, and, in fact, they are now accessible to researchers.  

NICOLAY VLADIMIRTSEV (HISTORIAN AT THE RUSSIAN NATIONAL ARCHIVES): Here are fragments of the sofa on which Hitler ended his life, bearing traces of his blood. These pieces were dismantled and brought here along with the investigation documents. They were seen only at the time of the investigation, then kept under wraps until 1992 in our national archives. 

NARRATOR: So, there are the investigation files, pieces of physical evidence, and fragments of Hitler’s skull at the National Archives, while the KGB archives—now part of the FSB—secretly held some of the prisoners’ testimonies, including that of Käthe Heusermann, as well as the main piece of evidence: Hitler’s teeth. 

But where are the bodies—the charred remains of Hitler, Eva Braun, and the Goebbels family?  

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): The remains were attached to the General Staff of the 3rd Army, stationed in eastern Germany. And they moved along with the regiment’s changing assignments. With each move, a new secret location had to be found to bury them. 

NARRATOR: In 1970, Andropov, the head of the KGB, asked Brezhnov to put an end to these charred remains that had been following the 3rd Army for 25 years.  The secret document detailing the destruction of the Nazi leaders’ bodies was discovered in the archives in 1992, bringing the matter to a close. 47 years later, all the evidence of Hitler’s suicide by gunshot in his bunker shortly after noon on April 30, 1945, has finally been gathered and revealed. 

SERGEY MIRONENKO (HISTORIAN—FORMER DIRECTOR OF THE RUSSIAN STATE ARCHIVE): Nothing can be hidden. Everything eventually comes to light. Everyone should learn this lesson from history. Even the best-hidden truth eventually resurfaces. 

NIKITA PETROV (HISTORIAN—ONG MEMORIAL): Those in power never thought it necessary to explain themselves to society. In the 1990s, Russian leaders said, ‘All right, all of that was hidden, but it was the Soviet Union that hid it.’ A general verdict should have been reached regarding the Soviet period and the Soviet regime as a power based on violence that violated its own laws, but this judgment on the past and on Soviet communist crimes was never handed down.

 

REFERENCES 

Karner, Stefan. Im Archipel GUPVI: Kriegsgefangenschaft und Internierung in der Sowjetunion, 1941-1956. Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1995. 

Moorhouse, Roger. Berlin at War: Life and Death in Hitler’s Capital 1939-1945.  Basic Books. New York, 2010. 

Mort d’Hitler, l’histoire d’un secret d’État. Directors: Nina Beliaeva and Jean-Pierre Bozon, broadcast in 2016/2017 by RMC Découverte and Betula Productions. 

Rzhevskaya, Elena. Memoirs of a Wartime Interpreter: From the Battle of Rzhev to Hitler’s Bunker. Greenhill Books. London, 2018.

 

POST 125: MY FATHER’S DENTAL APPRENTICESHIP IN FREIE STADT DANZIG (FREE CITY OF DANZIG)

 

Note: This post is the result of a recent contact with a Dr. Dominik Gross who is developing an encyclopedia of dentists, dental technicians, and oral surgeons who worked during the Nazi era as either perpetrators or enablers or victims of the regime’s policies. Evidence provided by Dr. Gross has allowed me to identify the Jewish dentist in Danzig [today: Gdansk, Poland] with whom my father apprenticed after obtaining his dental license from the University of Berlin in 1930.

 

Related Post:

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Post 6: OTTO BRUCK & TIEGENHOF: 1932 POCKET CALENDAR

POST 31: WITNESS TO HISTORY, “PROOF” OF HITLER’S DEATH IN MY UNCLE FEDOR’S OWN WORDSPOST 31: WITNESS TO HISTORY, “PROOF” OF HITLER’S DEATH IN MY UNCLE FEDOR’S OWN WORDS

POST 67: THE SUSPICIOUSLY BRUTAL DEATHS OF MY FATHER’S PROTESTANT FRIENDS FROM DANZIG, GERHARD & ILSE HOPPE (PART I)

POST 67: THE SUSPICIOUSLY BRUTAL DEATHS OF MY FATHER’S PROTESTANT FRIENDS FROM DANZIG, GERHARD & ILSE HOPPE (PART II)

 

I was recently contacted by a Dr. Dominik Gross who is a German bioethicist and historian of medicine. (Figure 1) He is Professor and Director of the Institute of History, Theory and Ethics in Medicine at the RWTH (Rheinisch-Westfälische Technische Hochschule) Aachen, the North Rhine-Westphalia Technical University of Aachen, Germany. His research focuses on medicine under National Socialism and the professionalization of the medical and dental profession. From 2017 to 2019 he headed the national project to review the role of dentists under National Socialism.

 

Figure 1. Dr. Dominik Gross in 2017 (source: Wikipedia)

 

Dr. Gross has been working on a “lexikon,” in essence an encyclopedia or dictionary, on dentists, dental technicians, and oral surgeons who worked or emerged during the time of the Third Reich as well as before 1933 or after 1945. It is titled “Lexicon of Dentists and Oral Surgeons in the ‘Third Reich’ and in Post-War Germany: Perpetrators, Followers, Members of the Opposition, Persecuted, Uninvolved Volume 1: University Teachers and Researchers.” As his publishing house describes the work it “. . . brings together ‘perpetrators, followers, members of the opposition, persecuted’ and politically ‘uninvolved,’ whereby the relationship of the individual to National Socialism is . . . a central part. Further focal points are the professional achievements as well as the personal network structures in which the individual specialist representatives were involved.”

As we speak, Dr. Gross is working on Volume 2 of his lexikon, specifically on biographies for dentists, dental technicians, and oral surgeons who had private practices or worked under the auspices of academically trained dentists.

It is worth pointing out a distinction in terminology that once existed in Germany with respect to dentists. Two German words, “zahnarzt” and “dentist” both translate into English as “dentist.” However, a German “dentist” was a job title for dentists without academic training that existed in Germany until 1952 alongside academically trained dentists. “Dentisten” (plural) were essentially dental technicians who, after successfully completing relevant training, were allowed to treat patients.  In Germany, the term “dentist” is now used as a derogatory title.

As a related aside, I remarked the following in Post 31 about Hitler’s dentist, Dr. Hugo Blaschke: “Dr. Blaschke would today be called a ‘zahntechniker,’ a non-academically trained dental technician primarily responsible for producing bridges and dentures, or ‘zahnbehandler,’ dental practitioner.  A ‘zahnarzt’ in today’s parlance is an academically trained dentist.” Hitler elevated Blaschkle to the status of a zahnarzt though he was not academically trained as one.

I digress. Among the biographies that will be included in Dr. Gross’s Volume 2 lexikon are ones for my father, Dr. Otto Bruck (Figure 2), and my uncle, Dr. Fedor Bruck. (Figure 3) Since some of the information about both was drawn from posts on my family history blog, Dr. Gross asked me to review his drafts. While I anticipated learning new things about my uncle’s professional life since he never told me his life’s story, I had more modest expectations regarding my father’s dental career in Germany. Still, I learned that my father had apprenticed for a Dr. Paul Herzberg in Danzig [today: Gdansk, Poland] after taking his dental examination at the University of Berlin in May 1930 and being licensed as a zahnarzt. What I was most surprised to learn was that as part of being certified prior to 1935 as a Dr. med. dent., a Doctor of Dental Medicine, he wrote a dissertation; to date, Dr. Gross has not been able to track it down nor discover the subject of my father’s dissertation.

 

Figure 2. My father Dr. Otto Bruck in his dental uniform in Danzig in 1931

 

Figure 3. My uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck working on a dental patient in his practice in Liegnitz, Germany [today: Legnica, Poland]

Dr. Gross sent me a copy of the source of the information on my father’s apprenticeship to Dr. Herzberg, specifically, the “Deutsches Zahnärzte-Buch. 17. Ausgabe Des Adresskalendars der Zahnärzte Im Deutsches Reich Freistaat Danzig und Im Memelland 1932/33, translated as “German dentist book. 17th edition of the address calendar of dentists in the German Reich Free State of Danzig and in Memelland 1932/33.” According to this address book, Dr. Herzberg’s office was located at Langer Markt 25 (Long Market 25) In Danzig, known today as Długi Targ. (Figure 4a-b)

 

Figure 4a. Cover of the “German dentist book. 17th edition of the address calendar of dentists in the German Reich Free State of Danzig and in Memelland 1932/33”

 

Figure 4b. Pages 438 and 439 of the German dentist book from 1932/33. Page 438 lists my father’s name showing he was an assistant to Dr. Paul Herzberg. On the opposing page 439 the name “Hoppe” appears under the town “Neuteich” who was my father’s good friend Gerhard Hoppe

 

My father’s photo albums include several taken in Danzig including one with his close friends Ilse and Gerhard Hoppe. (Figure 5) Regular readers will recall Posts 67, Parts I & II where I discussed the particularly brutal deaths of these companions. Like my father, Gerhard Hoppe was a dentist; he worked in the town south of Tiegenhof called Neuteich [today: Nowy Staw, Poland]. In the 1932/33 address book sent to me by Dr. Gross, readers will note the Hoppe surname under Neuteich. (see Figure 4b)

 

Figure 5. My father with Gerhard & Ilse Hoppe walking along Grosse Wollwebergasse [today: Tkacka] in Danzig during the Winter of 1931-1932

The only previous reference I had found that my father was a dentist in the Free City of Danzig was in a 1934 Danzig Address Book. Quoting what I wrote in Post 1: “Danzig Address Books can be accessed on-line at the following site: http://wiki-de.genealogy.net/Kategorie:Adressbuch_f%C3%BCr_Danzig.  ‘Teil III’ (Part III) in the back of the directory is like our Yellow Pages, listing people by occupation.  In the 1934 Danzig Address Book, there is a separate listing of dentists which includes Tiegenhof and the other towns in the Free City of Danzig. Tiegenhof [today: Nowy Dwor Gdanski, Poland] includes two listings, a woman by the name of Dr. Zeisemer, for which no address is provided, and a DR. HEINZ BRUCK, located at Markstrasse 8, the address corresponding exactly to my father’s dental office . . .  Clearly, this is a reference to my father, although why his first name is incorrectly shown is unclear. (Figure 6) Unfortunately, no separate listing of dentists in the Danzig Address Books exists for before or after 1934 that specifically includes Tiegenhof and the towns surrounding Danzig, so it is not possible to further track my father.” Clearly, in writing the last line, I was obviously unaware of the address calendar of dentists from 1932/33 that Dr. Gross sent me.

 

Figure 6. Page from 1934 Danzig Address Book listing dentists including a Dr. Heinz Bruck at Markstrasse 8 in Tiegenhof, a clear but mistaken reference to my father, Dr. Otto Bruck

 

I suspect the reason no early 1930’s Danzig residence address books include my father’s name is because he was living with his aunt, Hedwig Löwenstein née Bruck, and two of her three children, Jeanne and Heinz Löwenstein, two of my father’s first cousins.

Curious whether I might uncover any information about Dr. Paul Herzberg, I turned to ancestry.com. There, I unearthed Paul’s 1925 marriage certificate to a Mathilde Marie Fleischmann, married Heineck; clearly, Mathilde was divorced or widowed when she remarried. At the time they married they were living at Langer Markt 9/10, a stone’s throw from Dr. Herzberg’s office. (Figures 7a-d)

 

Figure 7a. Cover page of Dr. Paul Herzberg and Mathilde Marie Fleischmann, married Heineck’s 1925 marriage certificate

 

 

Figure 7b. Page 1 of Dr. Paul Herzberg and Mathilde Marie Fleischmann, married Heineck’s 1925 marriage certificate
Figure 7c. Page 2 of Dr. Paul Herzberg and Mathilde Marie Fleischmann, married Heineck’s 1925 marriage certificate

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 7d. Transcription and translation of Dr. Paul Herzberg and Mathilde Marie Fleischmann, married Heineck’s 1925 marriage certificate

 

The marriage certificate, as I suspected, established that both Paul and Mathilde were Jewish. Checking Yad Vashem, I can find neither of their names as Holocaust victims so there is a good possibility they emigrated to an unknown destination. Expectedly, Dr. Gross confirmed there is no record of Dr. Paul Herzberg in post-WWII German phone directories.

Among my father’s surviving papers are two letters of recommendation from dentists he briefly apprenticed with prior to training with Dr. Herzberg. From the 1st to the 15th of July 1930 my father worked under a Dr. Franz Schulte from Königsbrück in the German state of Saxony (Figures 8a-b), then from the 17th of July until the 16th of August he trained with a Dr.  Heinrich Kruger from Allenstein, Germany [today: Olsztyn, Poland]. (Figures 9a-b) Neither of these dentists is included in Dr. Gross’s lexikon. Given the timing of the two brief stints my father served as a novitiate in 1930, and the opening of his own practice in Tiegenhof [today: Nowy Dwor Gdanski, Poland] in April 1932, I surmise that he worked as Dr. Herzberg’s assistant in the intervening period.

 

Figure 8a. Letter of recommendation from Dr. Franz Schulte of Königsbrück (Saxony) dated the 22nd of July 1930 after my father apprenticed with him from the 1st to the 15th of July

 

Figure 8b. Dr. Franz Schulte’s name listed as a dentist in Königsbrück (Freistaat Sachsen) in the 1929 Dental Address Book

 

 

Figure 9a. Letter of recommendation from Dr. Heinrich Kruger of Allenstein, Germany [today: Olsztyn, Poland] dated the 17th of August 1930 after my father apprenticed with him from the 17th of July to the 16th of August
Figure 9b. Dr. Heinrich Kruger’s name listed as a dentist in Allenstein in the 1929 Dental Address Book

 

In closing because I found a picture of a Dr. Fritz Bertram and other friends of my father sailing in the Bay of Danzig (Figure 10) and knew Fritz through Danzig address books to be a zahnarzt, in Post 6 I mistakenly concluded him to be the dentist with whom my father apprenticed; I now assume he was a professional colleague and friend.  With new evidence to the contrary, it seems my father apprenticed rather with Dr. Paul Herzberg when living in Danzig.

 

Figure 10. Dr. Franz Betram and other friends of my father sailing in the Bay of Danzig in April 1931; I mistook Dr. Bertram as the dentist in Danzig with whom my father apprenticed

 

REFERENCE

Gross, Dominik. (2022) Lexikon der Zahnärzte & Kieferchirugen im “Dritten Reich” und im Nachkriegsdeutschland: Täter, Mitläufer, Oppositionelle, Verfolgte, Unbeteiligte Band 1: Hochschullehrer und Forscher. Berlin: Hentrich & Hentrich.

POST 124: MY UNCLE’S FRIEND WOLFRAM VON PANNWITZ & HIS ROLE IN THE FAILED ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE HITLER

 

Note: In this lengthy post, I provide further details about the life of my uncle’s friend, the German Baron Wolfram E. von Pannwitz, and the tangential role he played in the failed attempt on Hitler’s life on July 20, 1944. Much of this information is derived from Sieghard von Pannwitz, Wolfram’s first cousin once removed who stumbled on my Blog, and on sources he directed me to.

Related Posts:
POST 31: WITNESS TO HISTORY, “PROOF” OF HITLER’S DEATH IN MY UNCLE FEDOR’S OWN WORDS
POST 84: MY UNCLE DR. FEDOR BRUCK’S FRIEND, WOLFRAM E. VON PANNWITZ, GERMAN BARON
POST 112: WOLFRAM E. VON PANNWITZ’S BEQUEST TO HIAS
POST 112, POSTSCRIPT: WOLFRAM E. VON PANNWITZ’S BEQUEST TO HIAS

Students of WWII military history may recognize July 20, 1944, as the day that Colonel Claus von Stauffenberg and other military and civilian officials attempted to assassinate Adolf Hitler, Führer of Nazi Germany, inside his Wolf’s Lair field headquarters near Rastenburg, East Prussia [today: Kętrzyn, Poland]. The plot’s apparent aim was to wrest political control of Germany and its armed forces from the Nazi Party (including the SS) and to make peace with the Western Allies as soon as possible. Unfortunately, the coup failed which resulted in the Gestapo arresting more than 7,000 people, of whom 4,980 were executed.

I recently discovered that my uncle’s friend, Wolfram E. von Pannwitz, subject of three previous Blog posts, played a secondary role in these events. While I was generally aware that Wolfram went into hiding following the July 20 Plot on Hitler, I was never entirely clear what role he played. Let me explain how I came to learn more details of Wolfram’s involvement in the failed attempt to eliminate Hitler, the facts of which were revealed mostly in his own words.

My family history Blog not only provides an opportunity to relate stories about my Jewish ancestors including the social milieu in which they lived, the political climate at the time, and the historical events they witnessed, but it has a side benefit of allowing the descendants of people who interacted with members of my family to occasionally find me. Invariably, when this happens, I find out more about the people my ancestors were connected to and come away with fodder for more Blog stories. Case in point.

In October 2022, I received an email through my Blog’s Webmail from a Mr. Sieghard von Pannwitz (Figure 1–REMOVED), Wolfram von Pannwitz’s first cousin once removed as it turns out. Prior to this message, I’d wondered after posting three articles about Wolfram whether any of his descendants might eventually stumble on my Blog. My patience was rewarded.

For intermittent readers of my Blog, let me briefly review how my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck (Figure 2) and Wolfram von Pannwitz met. The full details can be found in Post 84. Following the Fall of Berlin in early May 1945, my uncle who had miraculously survived 30 months in hiding made to his way to the apartment of Käthe Heusermann, a friend of 20 years who had once been his dental assistant when he had his own practice in Liegnitz, Germany [today: Legnica, Poland]. (Figure 3) After Hitler came to power on the 30th of January 1933, and legislation passed in April 1933 that sharply curtailed “Jewish activity” in the medical and legal professions and resulted in the closure of my uncle’s practice, both he and Käthe made their way to Berlin. Käthe Heusermann landed a position as dental assistant to Dr. Hugo Blaschke, Hitler’s dentist. (Figure 4) Inasmuch as I can tell, my uncle would occasionally shelter in Käthe’s apartment during his time in hiding. In any case, after the end of the war, Käthe suggested that he apply to the Russians to take over Dr. Blaschke’s intact dental office (Figure 5); my uncle’s request was granted. Käthe and Blaschke’s dental technician, Fritz Echtmann (Figure 6), were eventually spirited away by the Russians because of their knowledge of Adolf Hitler’s fate, a fact the Russians sought to conceal. Warned by the Americans that a similar fate awaited him, he abandoned Berlin in early 1947 and made his way to America.

 

Figure 2. My uncle, Dr. Fedor Bruck, in 1940

 

 

Figure 3. My uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck with a young Käthe Heusermann in his dental office in Liegnitz, Germany [today: Legnica, Poland]
Figure 4. Dr. Hugo Blaschke, Hitler’s American-trained dentist 
Figure 5. The entrance of Dr. Blaschke’s former dental office as it looks today, located at Kurfurstendamm 213 in the Charlottenburg borough of Berlin

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 6. Dr. Blaschke’s former dental technician, Fritz Echtmann 

 

The precise date on which my uncle left is unknown to me. However, he wrote an affidavit in November 1966 in the matter of a probate hearing on behalf of the estate of Wolfram E. von Pannwitz, the German Baron he met in June 1947 in West Berlin, providing a general timeframe for when he departed Germany. My uncle and Mr. von Pannwitz befriended one another that month in a displaced persons camp where they had been assembled awaiting passage to the United States. Both left for America on the 8th of July 1947 aboard the “Marine Marlin” from Bremen, Germany, and arrived in New York City on the 17th of July 1947; the two remained friends until von Pannwitz passed away in New York City in January 1966.

My uncle, known in America as Theodore A. Brook, and my aunt Verena H. Dick were married in New York on the 4th of March 1958. (Figure 7) Pannwitz was invited, and prior to my contact with Sieghard, the only picture I had of Wolfram was a side view of him at the far end of the dining table. (Figure 8) Immediately after hearing from Sieghard, I asked whether he had any photos of Wolfram and he graciously shared a few. In the process Sieghard also passed along other information which partially rounds out my understanding of Wolfram’s life.

 

Figure 7. My aunt and uncle on their wedding day on March 4, 1958

 

 

 

Figure 8. Wolfram von Pannwitz seated at the far end of the dining table to the right of my aunt and uncle (looking at the picture) on their wedding day, on March 4, 1958

 

Long before connecting with Sieghard von Pannwitz, on ancestry.com I had found the certificate for Wolfram’s marriage to his first wife, Argentinian-born Clara Virginia Rhode, showing they were wed on the 18th of October 1920 in Berlin. (Figures 9a-c) A notation in the upper righthand corner of the certificate indicates the union lasted only briefly until the 28th of February 1922 when they were officially divorced.

 

Figure 9a. Cover page of Wolfram von Pannwitz and Clara Virginia Rhode’s marriage certificate showing they were married in Berlin on the 18th of October 1920

 

Figure 9b. Page one Wolfram von Pannwitz and Clara Virginia Rhode’s 1920 marriage certificate with a notation in the upper righthand corner stating they were officially divorced on the 28th of February 1922
Figure 9c. Page two of Wolfram von Pannwitz and Clara Virginia Rhode’s 1920 marriage certificate with the names of the betrothed and the witnesses

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

In any case, one photo Sieghard shared was of Wolfram’s 1920 marriage to Virginia Rhode. (Figure 10) Seated second and third from the left in this picture are Wolfram’s parents, Gertrud Pannwitz née Scholz (1869-1957) and Eberhard von Pannwitz (1861-1923), in his military attire. Meanwhile, seated third and second from the right are Wolfram’s younger sister, Elsa Petrea and her husband Martin Reymann. More on Petrea later.

 

Figure 10. Photo of the wedding party at Wolfram von Pannwitz and Clara Virginia Rhode’s 1920 marriage; seated second and third from the left are Wolfram’s parents Gertrud and Eberhard von Pannwitz, and seated third from the right is Wolfram’s sister, Petrea Reymann née Pannwitz. Notice that Wolfram is bald-headed

 

In 1931, Wolfram got remarried to a woman named Frida Mueller, who by the time his niece wed in 1934 had already died from cancer earlier that same year. Neither of Wolfram’s marriages produced any children.

Another picture sent to me by Sieghard is dated to 1934 and shows the wedding of Wolfram’s niece and Petrea and Martin Reymann’s daughter, Gabriele Reymann to Joachim von Harbou. (Figure 11) A slightly older Petrea is seated in the front row next to the groom, while Wolfram is seated to the far right next to his sister’s husband, Martin Reymann. Readers will note that in both the 1920 and 1934 pictures, as well as in the photo taken at my uncle’s 1958 wedding, Wolfram stands out because he is distinctly bald. Sieghard explained this was the result of being contaminated by poison gas during WWI. Wolfram was a decorated fighter pilot and Captain during the “great war.” (Figure 12)

 

Figure 11. 1934 marriage photo of Wolfram’s niece Gabriele Reymann to Joachim von Harbou. Wolfram’s sister Petrea is seated next to the groom, Wolfram is seated to the far right in the front row (figures circled)

 

Figure 12. Wolfram von Pannwitz (right) as a WWI fighter pilot in a photo from “Der Welt Spiegel,” dated February 25, 1915

 

Sieghard also sent me a photo of a gold ring that once belonged to Wolfram that he inherited and had restyled for his wife to wear. (Figure 13) A story accompanies how he came to possess this ring. Sieghard currently lives in Osnabrück, a city in the German state of Lower Saxony, and attended school in Göttingen, a nearby university city in the same state; following his studies he immigrated to South Africa in 1966 and lived there in two stints for about 20 years. Around the time he first immigrated there in 1966 one of his female cousins married a Jürgen von Berkholz in Singapore. The couple apparently planned to spend their honeymoon in New York at the invitation and expense of Wolfram. Unfortunately, upon docking in New York they learned that Wolfram had died on the 28th of January 1966, thus a few days earlier, so, lacking funds they immediately returned home. Sieghard’s South African cousin inherited Wolfram’s ring and bequeathed it to Sieghard upon her own death. The ring is solid gold and has the von Pannwitz family coat of arms etched on it.

 

Figure 13. Wolfram’s gold ring with the von Pannwitz family coat of arms

 

During our very amiable conversations, Sieghard, who has written extensively about the 820-year history of his illustrious family, mentioned in passing that about 20 years ago he was in contact with a historian from the University of Hanover. At the time, this researcher sent Sieghard an article based on an interview with Wolfram discussing, among other things, his time in Paris until July 20, 1944, and his whereabouts in the immediate aftermath of the plot to assassinate Hitler, the failure of which forced him to go into hiding. Sieghard was unable to relocate the article though he thought it had been published in the New York Times. Eventually he remembered the historian’s name, Dr. Ines Katenhusen, retrieved her email, and we were able to obtain a copy of the article in question. As it turns out, the article appeared in “The Providence Sunday Journal” on the 28th of September 1947 and was titled “Underground Baron: Wolfram Von Pannwitz Was in Plot to Assassinate Hitler.” (Figure 14)

Figure 14. Cover page of the newspaper article from “The Providence Sunday Journal,” dated September 28, 1947, describing Wolfram von Pannwitz’s role in his own words in the July 20 Plot to assassinate Hitler

 

At the time Dr. Katenhusen originally contacted Sieghard she was researching the emigration to the United States of many of the famous people associated with Germany’s Bauhaus. According to Wikipedia, “The Staatliches Bauhaus, commonly known as the Bauhaus (German for ‘building house’), was a German art school operational from 1919 to 1933 that combined crafts and the fine arts. The school became famous for its approach to design, which attempted to unify individual artistic vision with the principles of mass production and emphasis on function.”

Dr. Katenhusen is specifically interested in Dr. Alexander Dorner, a German American art historian and museum reformer, ergo the connection to people associated with the Bauhaus. According to German Wikipedia, since 2013 Ines has been working on a monograph and a documentary film about him. As it so happens, Dr. Dorner and his wife Lydia sponsored Wolfram von Pannwitz’s immigration to the United States and are the couple in whose home Wolfram lived during his years in Providence, Rhode Island.

Dr. Dorner, for his part, immigrated to the United States in 1937 because of his opposition to National Socialism. In Rhode Island, he was museum director of the Rhode Island School of Design from 1937 to 1941. From 1941 to 1948 he was professor of art history and aesthetics at Brown University in Providence. Dorner became a United States citizen in 1943, and from 1948 he taught at Bennington College in Vermont.

The article from “The Providence Sunday Journal” clarifies some episodes in Wolfram’s life. Regarding the events during WWI and how he came to be gassed, he tells the following:

“‘I learned aviation in 1912,’ he said, ‘I was among the first fliers, and when I was mobilized for the war, I was quickly promoted because there weren’t many fliers.’ Aviation was not secure then. I became a captain and a squadron commander. In 1916 I was shot down by French anti-aircraft fire. My observer was killed by the first fire, but I came down safely. However, I landed between the second and third French lines, and it happened that they withdrew the infantry and put out poison gas. Being an aviator I had no gas mask, of course, and I lay in a coma from 2 o’clock in the afternoon until 6 o’clock. How I am alive I do not know. But how I am alive several times I do not know.

They came with a stretcher and picked me up. I was nine months in a hospital in Lyons and two years a prisoner, finally exchanged through Switzerland as a badly wounded prisoner.’”

Regarding his life after the First World War until the Nazis came to power and how he knew the Dorners, Wolfram reveals the following:

“‘After the war I became an engineer, specializing in special fuels for automobiles, and for 25 years I was head of the biggest gasoline enterprise in western Berlin. When the Nazis came into power, I was not interested in joining them or their Arbeitsfront, an organization of workers and managers. I refused to join. Nothing happened for a while until the Gestapo found out that I was concealing anti-Nazis in my apartment; I had a cook who was a chatterbox. I helped some of my friends get to Switzerland and some to France. Finally the Nazis came and said I was either to join the party or give up my job. I had very good earning, but I gave up my job. That was in 1937. I went to Italy. I wrote to the Dorners ad asked them how to get to the United States, but I never got an answer. Perhaps the Italian Gestapo caught my letters. I knew the Dorners would answer. I was best man at their wedding. Mrs. Dorner was a close friend of my late wife.’”

Regarding how he wound up in Paris:

“‘I waited months and then I went to Berlin and then to Paris. I had passports and visas. There was no difficulty getting there. In Paris I imported gasoline pumps and compressors from Germany and had a wonderful time without much competition. I stayed until 1939. Several days before war broke out, France began to intern Germans. I went to the United States embassy to try and get a visa, but I was refused because I had no money there or anything else that would give an excuse. I didn’t want to go to Italy. Spain was full of troubles. So I went back to Berlin. I had kept a flat there all the time. My friends took care of it.’”

On how Wolfram wound up getting involved with the anti-Nazi opposition and assigned a role in the planned plot:

“‘I was walking one day when I happened to meet Field Marshall Erwin von Witzleben [EDITOR’S NOTE: Erwin von Witzleben was a German field marshal in the Wehrmacht during WWII. A leading conspirator in the 20 July plot to assassinate Adolf Hitler, he was designated to become commander-in-chief of the Wehrmacht in a post-Nazi regime had the plot succeeded.] He was an old friend from the first war. He was captain of artillery then. We spoke of the Nazis, and finally he invited me to come to tea the next day. There were several men in his flat, and we developed ideas about eliminating Hitler and the Nazis. We knew we had a long way to go and would need help. They asked me whether I would go back to Paris. I said I would: They procured a passport, and everything all legitimatized. Of course von Witzleben was able to do such things. It was all secret. “Don’t do anything until you are summoned,” I was told.

I go back. I wait one year. I wait two years. There is no communication. Then General Otto von Stülpnagel [EDITOR’S NOTE: The author of the article or Wolfram von Pannwitz has erroneously identified Otto von Stülpnagel as the German general with whom he collaborated in the July 20 Plot. The correct Stülpnagel was Carl-Heinrich von Stülpnagel who served as the military commander of German-occupied France. Increasingly unable to reconcile his military duties and his moral objections to the regime’s ideology, Carl-Heinrich von Stülpnagel joined the resistance. He was a member of the 20 July Plot to assassinate Adolf Hitler, overseeing the conspirators’ actions in France. After the failure of the plot, he was recalled to Berlin and attempted to commit suicide en route but failed. Tried on 30 August 1944, he was convicted of treason and executed on the same day.], commander in Paris, summoned me for the first time. That is in 1943. He directed me to take voyages about France. My work was to investigate the Gestapo! I was to find out what they were doing against the German army and French civilians. Everything was at cross purposes, you understand, the army opposing the Gestapo, the SS against both, and so on.

I had no official position. I always went as a civilian. Sometimes I even went into Gestapo headquarters to ask questions. I used my own name. I picked up information in restaurants and places like that. The Gestapo never suspected anybody would dare do things like that. . .

I moved about in France as I wanted to and nobody ever said anything. It was very dangerous, but if one has resolved to go against scoundrels for the sake of one’s country, one must risk his life. He must know it in advance.’”

“On July 15, 1944, Baron von Pannwitz was summoned to the office of General von Stülpnagel in Paris, and without preliminaries, was acquainted with the proposed attempt against the life of Hitler. ‘Stülpnagel developed the whole plan for me. My duty was to arrest SS General Oberg [EDITOR’S NOTE: General Carl Oberg was the senior SS and police leader (HSSPF) in occupied France, from May 1942 to November 1944, during the second world war, who came to be known as the “Butcher of Paris.”], the head of the Gestapo who was residing in the Gestapo palais on Avenue Foch. First, he showed me a plan of Oberg’s office. Then he said, “On the day—I will tell you what day later on—two companies of the army will be sent before the Gestapo building. The you go behind the right wing of the soldiers, and if the company commander lifts his arms and regards his wrist watch, go into the building and up to the second floor and go into Oberg’s office and arrest him.” He gave me a pair of manacles and a revolver. I went home and slept well. I was glad to think of the finish of the Nazis and the end of the war.

On July 18, Stülpnagel sent for me again. He said, “Tomorrow at 11 o’clock. You know everything, Good bye. Get out. Good luck.” That was all.

The next day I punctually was there. It was like a performance on a stage. The two companies of the army march up. I stand behind the right wing. I watch the commander. He looks at his watch, like this. At once I enter the building and go to the second floor. There are two SS guards at the door, but they are so interested in the troops in the yard that they do not notice me. I knock at the door.

“Come in.”

I go in. General Oberg is standing behind his desk. He comes towards me. He does not suspect anything. I put out my hand and say, “I come with the regards of General von Stülpnagel. Heil Hitler!” He puts out his hand. Suddenly I seize his wrist, take out the manacles, and snap them on. Everything goes perfectly. At that moment, in come the soldiers and I deliver Oberg to them.

Then I go to the offices of Stülpnagel to report. “Well done” he says. “Many thanks. Everything runs after the plans” He is rubbing his hands, like this.

Then he says, “You are to go to Cologne.”’”

According to Wolfram von Pannwitz, he was tasked by Stülpnagel with taking a letter to the commander of the German home troops in the Rhineland telling him to mobilize his troops and march against the front troops. Stülpnagel had cut off all communications with Germany to do what he wanted in France so failed to learn that Hitler was not killed. Upon his arrival in Luxembourg aboard the night train, Pannwitz overheard travelers talking about the failed attempt on Hitler’s life. He nonetheless continued to Cologne and headed to the house he was ordered to go to, but quickly realized the plot had unraveled when he saw two SS guards patrolling the premises. Instead, he headed back to the railroad station, and spent the next four days in Cologne, Bonn, and Aix-la-Chapelle [Aachen, Germany]. (Figure 15)

 

Figure 1. Sieghard von Pannwitz, Wolfram von Pannwitz’s first cousin once removed
Figure 15. Present-day map of Germany showing the relationship of Bonn, Cologne, and Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle), the places Wolfram traveled to following the failed attempt on Hitler’s life

 

On the 25th of April, it eventually occurred to Pannwitz to turn to the Catholic Church for help, specifically Bishop Van Dar Valdan of Aix-la-Chapelle. The Bishop had him admitted to St. Johannes Hospital in Bonn where he was hidden for three months under the guise of having had a hernia operation. Pannwitz credited the Catholic Church for saving his life which is undoubtedly why he left the Catholic Church and Cardinal Spellman in New York half his wealth upon his death.

While no longer in the hospital at the time, Pannwitz was in Bonn when the Americans bombed the city on October 18th and destroyed half of it. He took advantage of the confusion to claim his apartment had been destroyed and requested that the magistrate allow him to travel to Potsdam, outside Berlin, where his sister could take him in. It took Pannwitz four days to reach Potsdam, the bombing of the railroads having made travel almost impossible. Pannwitz didn’t tell his sister anything about his adventures, apparently seeking to protect her in case the Gestapo came looking for him, which they never did. Pannwitz stayed hidden in his sister’s free room until the Russians arrived.

After things had quieted down some, Pannwitz returned to Berlin hoping to rebuild his life. He lived in his former five-room flat that had been reduced to two rooms on account of Allied bombing. After two months Pannwitz realized it would be impossible to make a living there because no raw materials and tools were then available. By April 1946, postal communication abroad had been restored, so he was able to liaise with the Dorners. Through them he reached the United States under a special program established by President Truman that placed Pannwitz in the class of the persecuted; his role in the July 20 Plot no doubt helped his cause.

By the end of his life, Wolfram von Pannwitz had amassed a fortune of $500,000 which he bequeathed in equal portions to Cardinal Spellman of the Catholic Church in New York and to the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society. Pannwitz had made it explicitly clear in his will that none of his family members should inherit any part of his estate. Nonetheless, his sister Petrea contested the will, and apparently reached an out-of-court settlement with the Catholic Church awarding her some money. Inasmuch as my Uncle Fedor knew, Wolfram apparently had been cheated out of his share of his mother’s inheritance upon her death causing him to become estranged from his German family.

Of particular personal interest in “The Providence Sunday Journal” article is the following written about my uncle, Dr. Fedor Bruck. I will quote the entire passage, then qualify and amend it based on my understanding of actual events:

He [Pannwitz] said he was convinced that Hitler is now dead, and he related that a Jewish dentist, Fedor Bruck, had identified a skull as that of Hitler. Bruck and von Pannwitz were passengers on the same boat from Bremerhaven to New York.

‘Bruck took over the office and laboratory of Hitler’s dentist,’ Baron von Pannwitz said. ‘One day Bruck was summoned by the Russian military governor and told to bring the sketch of Hitler’s denture that his dentist had kept on file. In Bruck’s presence the sketch was checked with a dead body. There was something uncommon about Hitler’s teeth, cavities, or fillings in them. The sketch checked with the body. That is what Bruck said.’

Dr. Hugo Blaschke was Hitler’s American-trained dentist. According to an account written by my uncle after the war and discussed at length in Post 31, the dental techniques Dr. Blaschke used on Hitler were “old fashioned,” ergo very distinctive. The knowledge that my uncle possessed as to Hitler’s fate and the identification of Hitler’s dental remains was derived exclusively from my uncle’s conversations with Käthe Heusermann, Blaschke’s dental assistant, immediately after the war. The sketch of the dental work done on Hitler was recreated from memory by Ms. Heusermann and the identifications of the remains hers; the original X-rays of Hitler’s teeth were either at the Reich Chancellery or had been taken by Blaschke when he fled to Obersalzberg. At no time did my uncle claim to have handled nor verified dental remains as belonging to Hitler, though it is true that he was visited by Russian authorities at Blaschke’s dental office looking for X-rays and people who could identify the dental work performed on Hitler. This ultimately led to Fritz Echtmann and Käthe Heusermann both being interrogated and detained in Russia for many years.

Finally, notwithstanding the coverage in “The Provience Sunday Journal” of Wolfram von Pannwitz’s self-described role in the July 20 Plot, according to Sieghard there is no mention in relevant literature of Wolfram’s involvement in the events. So, Sieghard is left to wonder whether this is an omission on the part of historians and/or what role, if any, Wolfram actually played in the leadup to the 20 July Plot? Also, curiously, Wolfram seems not to have told my uncle about his connection to the plot nor made him aware of the 1947 newspaper article describing his role. What to make of all this is unclear.

REFERENCES

“Bauhaus.” Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bauhaus

Loveridge, G.Y. (1947, September 28). Underground Baron: Wolfram von Pannwitz Was in Plot to Assassinate Hitler. The Providence Sunday Journal.

 

 

 

 

POST 120: FAMILY PHOTOS, DISCOVERING & DECODING THEM

 

Note: In this post, I discuss “stashes” of family photos I’ve uncovered, and the efforts I’ve undertaken with the help of near and distant relatives to identify people in some of those images even absent captions. In a few instances the photos are significant because they illustrate individuals renowned or notorious in history. In other cases, a good deal of sleuthing was required, including comparing the pictures of people in captioned versus uncaptioned images. On other occasions, I recognized portrayals of family members I knew growing up. And, in rare instances, I was able to determine a photographed person based on an educated guess.

 

Related Posts:

POST 15: BERLIN & MY GREAT-AUNTS FRANZISKA & ELSBETH BRUCK

POST 17: SURVIVING IN BERLIN IN THE TIME OF HITLER: MY UNCLE FEDOR’S STORY

POST 31: WITNESS TO HISTORY, “PROOF” OF HITLER’S DEATH IN MY UNCLE FEDOR’S OWN WORDS

POST 33: FINDING GREAT-UNCLE WILLY’S GRANDCHILDREN

POST 34: MARGARETH BERLINER, WRAITH OR BEING?

POST 41: DR. OTTO BERGER & OTHER “SILENT HEROES” WHO HELPED MY UNCLE DR. FEDOR BRUCK SURVIVE THE NAZI REGIME

POST 45: HOLOCAUST REMEMBRANCE: RECALLING MY PAULY ANCESTORS

POST 56: REFLECTIONS ON LIFE AND FAMILY BY THE PATERFAMILIAS, DR. JOSEF PAULY

POST 65: GERMANY’S LAST EMPEROR, WILHELM II, PICTURED WITH UNKNOWN FAMILY MEMBER

POST 99: THE ASTONISHING DISCOVERY OF SOME OF DR. WALTER WOLFGANG BRUCK’S PERSONAL EFFECTS

POST 100: DR. WALTER WOLFGANG BRUCK, DENTIST TO GERMANY’S LAST IMPERIAL FAMILY

 

The antisemitic and racist laws enacted by the Nazis short-circuited my father’s career as a dentist. Pursuant to his formal training at the University of Berlin, followed by an apprenticeship in Danzig (today: Gdansk, Poland), my father, Dr. Otto Bruck (Figure 1), opened his own dental practice in Tiegenhof in the Free City of Danzig (today: Nowy Dwór Gdański, Poland) in April 1932; by April 1937, my father was forced to flee Tiegenhof, and by March 1938 he had left Germany altogether, clearly seeing the handwriting on the wall. As an unmarried man with few family ties, this was an option open to him. My father would never again legally practice dentistry.

 

Figure 1. My father Dr. Otto Bruck as a dental apprentice in Danzig in 1931

 

My father considered the five years he spent in Tiegenhof to be the halcyon days of his life. Judging from the numerous photos of his days spent there, including those illustrating his active social life, his professional acquaintances, and recreational pursuits, I would be hard-pressed to argue otherwise.

I originally intended in this post to briefly discuss with readers the history of Polish Mennonites because Tiegenhof, the town where my father had his dental practice, was largely Mennonite when my father lived there. The Mennonites arrived in the Żuławy Wiślane region (i.e. “the Vistula fens,” plural from “żuława”), the alluvial delta area of the Vistula in the northern part of Poland, in the 17th century. They came to escape religious persecution in the Netherlands and Flanders. I have instead decided to devote the subsequent Blog post to discussing the history of Polish Mennonites, and briefly explore how the Mennonites, who are committed to pacifism, inexplicably, became strong adherents of Hitler. I intend in the following post to use photos from my father’s collection to focus on one Mennonite family, the Epp family, with whom my father was acquainted and friends with. They have a dark history related to their connection to the Nazi regime.

Getting back on track. Curious whether the office building where my father had both his dental practice and residence still existed (Figure 2), in 2013 my wife Ann Finan and I visited Nowy Dwór Gdański. We quickly oriented ourselves to the layout of the town, and promptly determined that his office and residential building no longer stands. I would later learn that the structure had been destroyed by Russian bombers when Nazi partisans shot at them from this location.

 

Figure 2. The office building in Tiegenhof in the Free City of Danzig in October 1934 where my father had his dental practice and residence, which no longer exists. Note the swastikas festooning the building

 

During our initial visit to Nowy Dwór Gdański, we were directed to the local museum, the Muzeum Żuławskie. The museum docent the day we visited spoke English, so I was able to communicate to her that my Jewish father had once been a dentist in the town and had taken many pictures when living there of Tiegenhof and the Żuławy Wiślane region. I offered to make the photos available, which I in fact did upon my return to the States.

In 2014, my wife Ann and I were invited to Nowy Dwór Gdański for an in-depth tour and a translated talk. Naturally, during my presentation, I used many of my father’s photos. There was a question-and-answer period following my talk, and one Polish gentleman of Jewish descent commented on how fortunate I am to have so many photographs of my father, family, and friends. I agreed. In the case of this gentleman, he remarked he has only seven family pictures, which I think is often true for descendants of Holocaust survivors. In my instance, my father’s seven albums of surviving photos, covering from the 1910’s until 1948 when my father came to America, are the reason I started researching and writing about my family.

Given the importance pictures have played in the stories I research and write about, and the development of this Blog, I thought I would highlight a few of the more interesting and historically significant pictures in my father’s collection, as well as discuss other “stashes” of photos I’ve uncovered. Obviously, it’s impossible and would be of scant interest to readers to discuss all the photos.

My father was a witness to the rise of National Socialism from the window of his dental office in Tiegenhof. On May 1, 1933, my father photographed a regiment of “SA Sturmabteilung,” literally “Storm Detachment,” known also as “Brownshirts” or “Storm Troopers,” marching down the nearby Schlosserstrasse, carrying Nazi flags, framed by the “Kreishaus” (courthouse) on one side. (Figure 3)

 

Figure 3. Father’s photograph of Nazis marching down Schlosserstrasse in Tiegenhof on May 1, 1933, taken from his dental office

 

Again, a year later to the day, on May 1, 1934, my father documented a parade of veterans and Brownshirts following the same path down Schlosserstrasse led by members of the Stahlhelm (“Steel Helmet”), a veterans’ organization that arose after the German defeat of WWI.  (Figures 4a-b) In 1934, the Stahlhelme were incorporated into the SA Sturmabteilung, the original paramilitary wing of the Nazi Party.

 

Figure 4a. A year later May 1, 1934, Nazi Storm Troopers and WWI veterans again marching down Schlosserstrasse in Tiegenhof

 

Figure 4b. WWI veterans, “Stahlhelme,” at the head of the Nazi parade on May 1, 1934, in Tiegenhof

 

Then again, the following year, on April 5, 1935, there was another Nazi parade. On this occasion Field Marshall Hermann Göring visited and participated in the march through Tiegenhof. The day prior, on April 4, 1935, Hermann Göring had visited the Free City of Danzig to influence the upcoming April 7th parliamentary elections in favor of Nazi candidates.  The visit to Tiegenhof the next day was merely an extension of this campaign to influence the Free City’s parliamentary elections.  In the photos that my father took on April 5th there can be seen a banner which in German reads “Danzig ist Deutsch wenn es nationalsozialistisch ist,” translated as “Danzig is German when it is National Socialist.”  (Figures 5a-b) It appears that along with everyday citizens of Tiegenhof and surrounding communities, members of the Hitler Youth, known in German as Hitlerjugend, also lined the street in large number.

 

Figure 5a. Nazi Field Marshall Hermann Göring standing in his open-air limousine on March 5, 1935, as he parades through Tiegenhof

 

Figure 5b. A Nazi banner reading “Danzig ist Deutsch wenn es nationalsozialistisch ist” (translated as “Danzig is German when it is National Socialist”) hung across the street that Field Marshall Hermann Göring traveled down on March 5, 1935, as he paraded through Tiegenhof

 

Students of history know about Hermann Göring but for those who are unfamiliar with him, let me say a few words. He would evolve to become the second-highest ranking Nazi after the Führer. Unlike many of Hitler’s sycophants and lieutenants, Göring was a veteran of WWI, having been an ace fighter pilot, a recipient of the prestigious Blue Max award, and a commander of the Jagdgeschwader a fighter group that had previously been led by the renowned Red Baron, Manfred von Richthofen. Göring was drawn to Hitler for his oratorical skills and became an early member of the Nazi Party. He participated with Hitler in the failed Beer Hall Putsch of 1923, during which he was wounded in the groin. During his recovery he was regularly given morphine to which he became addicted for the remainder of his life.

Göring oversaw the creation of the Gestapo, an organization he later let Heinrich Himmler run. He was best known as the commander-in-chief of the Luftwaffe, although after the Nazi victory over France, he was made Reichsmarschall, head of all the German armed forces. He amassed great wealth for himself by stealing paintings, sculptures, jewelry, cash, and valuable artifacts not only from Jews and people whom Nazis had murdered but also by looting museums of defeated nations.

Towards the end of the war, following an awkward attempt to have Hitler appoint him head of the Third Reich and thereby drawing Hitler’s ire, he turned himself in to the Americans rather than risk being captured by the Russians. He eventually was indicted and stood trial at Nuremberg. The once obese Göring, who’d once weighed more than three hundred pounds, was a shadow of his former self at his trial. Expectedly, he was convicted on all counts, and sentenced to death by hanging. His request to be executed by firing squad was denied, but he was able to avoid the hangman’s noose by committing suicide using a potassium cyanide pill that had inexplicably been smuggled to him by an American soldier.

My uncle, Dr. Fedor Bruck, has been the subject of multiple previous posts (i.e., Post 17, Post 31, Post 41). My uncle, like my father was a dentist. He was educated at the University of Breslau (today: Wrocław, Poland) and had his dental practice in Liegnitz, Germany (today: Legnica, Poland) until around 1933 when he was forced to give it up due to the “Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service” passed by the Nazi regime on the 7th April 1933, two months after Adolf Hitler had attained power.  My uncle’s life is of interest because he miraculously survived the entire war hidden in Berlin by friends and non-Jewish family members. His story has also been of interest because he counted among his friends a woman named Käthe Heusermann-Reiss, who had been his dental assistant in Liegnitz.

Following the loss of his business my uncle relocated to Berlin hoping the anonymity of the larger city would afford him the possibility to continue working under the auspices of another dentist, which it did for a time. Käthe Heusermann also moved to Berlin and opportunistically landed herself a job as a dental assistant to Hitler’s American-trained dentist, Dr. Hugo Blaschke. In this capacity, she was always present when Dr. Blaschke treated Hitler. Following the end of the war, she was interrogated by the Russians and asked to identify dental remains which had been recovered in a burn pit outside the Reichstag. The bridgework performed by Dr. Blaschke on Hitler was outmoded so Käthe was easily able to recognize Blaschke’s work and Hitler’s teeth, a fact Stalin kept hidden from the world. Following Russia’s capture of Berlin at the end of the war, my uncle who’d temporarily been hiding in Käthe’s apartment learned from her that Hitler had committed suicide. This dangerous information resulted in Käthe being imprisoned in the USSR for many years, and my uncle barely escaping the same fate. Surviving among my father’s photographs is a noteworthy picture taken in Liegnitz of my uncle and Käthe Heusermann. Though uncaptioned, I have been able to compare it to known pictures of Käthe to confirm it is her. (Figure 6)

 

Figure 6. My uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck in his dental office in Liegnitz, Germany with his dental assistant Käthe Heusermann-Reiss who would later go on to become the dental assistant for Dr. Hugo Blaschke, Hitler’s dentist. Following the war, she would identify Hitler’s dental remains, a fact the Russians hid for many years

 

As I have told readers in multiple earlier posts my father was an active sportsman, and an excellent amateur tennis player. Among my father’s belongings I retain multiple of the prizes he was awarded for his achievements, including many newspaper clippings documenting his results. In August 1936, my father attended an International Tennis Tournament in Zoppot, Germany (today: Sopot, Poland), located a mere 32 miles from Tiegenhof. During his attendance there, he photographed the great German tennis player, Heinrich Ernst Otto “Henner” Henkel (Figure 7), whose biggest success was his singles title at the 1937 French Championships. Interestingly, Henkel learned to play tennis at the “Rot-Weiss” Tennis Club in Berlin. My father was a member of the “Schwarz-Weiss” Tennis Club in Berlin, so perhaps my father and Henner played one another and were acquainted. Henner Henkel was killed in action during WWII on the Eastern Front at Voronezh during the Battle of Stalingrad while serving in the Wehrmacht, the German Army.

 

Figure 7. The famous German tennis player, Henner Henkel, in August 1936 at the International Tennis Tournament in Zoppot, Germany

 

As I mentioned above, my father left Germany for good in March 1938. He was headed to stay with his sister Susanne and brother-in-law, then living in Fiesole, a small Tuscan town outside Florence, Italy. During his sojourn in Italy, before eventually joining the French Foreign Legion later in 1938, my father visited some of the tourist attractions in Italy, including the Colosseum in Rome. One of the images that my father took there has always stood out to me because of the paucity of people around what is today a very crowded and visited venue. (Figure 8)

 

Figure 8. The Colosseum in Rome in August 1938

 

My father’s collection of photos number in the hundreds but I’ve chosen to highlight only certain ones because they illustrate a few personages or places that may be known to readers. My father’s collection is merely one among several caches of images I was able to track down through family and acquaintances. I want to call attention to a few pictures of family members that grabbed my attention from these other hoards.

In Post 33, I explained to readers how I tracked down the grandchildren of my grandfather’s brother, Wilhelm “Willy” Bruck (1872-1952). Based on family correspondence, I knew my great-uncle Willy wound up in Barcelona after escaping Germany in the 1930’s and theorized his children and grandchildren may have continued to live there. Official vital documents I procured during a visit there convinced me otherwise, that at least his son returned to Germany after WWII. I was eventually able to track down both of my great-uncle’s grandchildren, that’s to say my second cousins Margarita and Antonio Bruck, to outside of Munich, Germany. (Figure 9) I have met both, and they’ve shared their family pictures, which again number in the hundreds.

 

Figure 9. My second cousins Margarita and Antonio Bruck from near Munich, Germany in May 2022, source of many family photos

 

The cache included many images of family members, but there are two pictures I was particularly thrilled to obtain copies of. My uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck (1895-1982), previously discussed, fought in WWI on the Eastern Front. (Figure 10) Among the family memorabilia I retain is a postcard he sent to his aunt Franziska Bruck on the 3rd of September 1916 coincidentally from the Ukraine announcing his promotion to Sergeant. (Figures 11a-b) The ongoing conflict between the Ukraine and Russia makes me realize how long the Ukraine has been a staging area for wars.

 

Figure 10. My uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck in his WWI uniform

 

Figure 11a. The front side of a postcard my uncle Fedor mailed to his aunt Franziska Bruck during WWI from the Eastern Front in Ukraine on the 3rd of September 1916

 

Figure 11b. The backside of the postcard my uncle mailed from the Ukraine on the 3rd of September 1916

 

Regular readers may recall that my father was born in Ratibor, Germany (today: Racibórz, Poland), in Upper Silesia. The family hotel there, owned through three generations between roughly 1850 and the early 1920’s, was known as the Bruck’s “Prinz von Preußen” Hotel. Among my second cousins’ photos is a rare image of the entrance to this hotel, which no longer stands. (Figure 12)

 

Figure 12. The entrance to the family hotel in Ratibor, Germany (today: Racibórz, Poland), Bruck’s “Prinz von Preußen” Hotel circa. 1914. The hotel is no longer standing

 

I introduced readers to two of my grandfather’s renowned sisters, my great-aunts Franziska and Elsbeth Bruck, way back in Post 15. Their surviving personal papers are archived at the Stadtmuseum in Spandau, the westernmost of the twelve boroughs of Berlin; these files have been another source of family photographs. Franziska Bruck was an eminent florist, and it is reputed that one of her clients was the last German Kaiser, Wilhelm II (1859-1941). One undated photograph taken in my great-aunt’s flower shop shows Duchess Cecilie Auguste Marie of Mecklenburg-Schwerin (1886-1954), the last Crown Princess of Germany and Prussia, who was married to Kaiser Wilhelm II’s son, Wilhelm, the German Crown Prince. (Figure 13)

 

Figure 13. Duchess Cecilie Auguste Marie of Mecklenburg-Schwerin (1886-1954), the last Crown Princess of Germany and Prussia, married to Kaiser Wilhelm II’s son, visiting my great-aunt Franziska Bruck’s flower school in Berlin

 

My second cousins Margarita and Antonio Bruck introduced me to one of my third cousins, Andreas “Andi” Pauly, also living part-time in Munich, Germany. (Figure 14) The Pauly branch of my extended family, which originally hailed from Posen, Germany (today: Poznan, Poland) has been the subject of multiple blog posts, including Post 45 on Pauly family Holocaust victims and reflections in Post 56 by the paterfamilias, Dr. Josef Pauly (1843-1916), Andi Pauly’s great-grandfather. Josef Pauly and his wife Rosalie Pauly née Mockrauer (1844-1927) had eight daughters and one son born between 1870 and 1885; thanks to photos provided by Andi Pauly, not only was I able to obtain images of all nine children but also some of Pauly cousins I knew of by name.

 

Figure 14. My third cousin Andreas “Andi” Pauly, source of many family photos

 

Again, it is not my intention to boggle readers’ minds by showing all these photos but I want to focus on one particular picture I originally obtained from Andi Pauly that was the subject of Post 65. The photo was taken in Doorn, Netherlands on the 28th of May 1926, and shows a then-unknown Bruck family member standing amidst a group that includes the last German Kaiser, Wilhelm II, his second wife, Princess Hermine Reuss of Greiz (1887-1947), and her youngest daughter by her first marriage, Princess Henriette of Schönaich-Carolath (1918-1972), and the Royal Family’s entourage. (Figure 15) At the time I wrote Post 65, I was unable to determine who the Bruck family member was, nor whom the initials “W.B.” stood for.

 

Figure 15. Postcard of the last German Emperor Wilhelm II, his second wife Princess Hermine Reuss of Greiz (1887-1947), and her youngest daughter by her first marriage, Princess Henriette of Schönaich-Carolath (1918-1972), taken in 1926 in Doorn, the Netherlands. A then-unknown member of the Bruck family is surrounded by the Royal Family’s entourage

 

Fast forward. In early 2021, I was astonished to receive an email from a Dr. Tilo Wahl, a doctor from Köpenick in Berlin, who stumbled upon my Blog and contacted me. He shared copies of the extensive collection of personal papers and photographs he had copied from the grandson of one of my esteemed ancestors, Dr. Walter Bruck (1872-1937), from Breslau, Germany (today: Wrocław, Poland) Again, this relative and my findings related to Dr. Walter Bruck have been chronicled in multiple earlier posts. The very same image discussed in the previous paragraph I had obtained from Andi Pauly was included among Dr. Bruck’s images. It was then I realized the unidentified Bruck family member standing with Kaiser Wilhelm II, his family, and his entourage was none other than Dr. Bruck’s second wife, Johanna Elisabeth Margarethe Gräbsch (1884-1963). (Figure 16) I discussed these findings in Post 100.

 

Figure 16. Same photograph as Figure 15 that Dr. Walter Bruck took of his wife Johanna and the Kaiser’s entourage in September 1925 with identifications (photo courtesy of Dr. Tilo Wahl)

 

Dr. Walter Bruck’s collection of papers and photos yielded images of multiple family members about whom I was aware, including one of Dr. Walter Bruck’s three siblings. However, one that stands out amongst all these photos was the one of Dr. Walter Bruck’s grandfather Dr. Jonas Julius Bruck (1813-1883). (Figure 17) Dr. Jonas Bruck is buried along with his son, Dr. Julius Bruck, in the restored tombs at the Old Jewish Cemetery in Wrocław, Poland. (Figure 18) Dr. Jonas Bruck was a brother of my great-great-grandfather Samuel Bruck (1808-1863), the original owner of the Bruck’s “Prinz von Preußen” Hotel in Ratibor, Germany (today: Racibórz, Poland) I previously discussed.

 

Figure 17. Dr. Walter Bruck’s grandfather, Dr. Jonas Julius Bruck (1813-1883)

 

Figure 18. The restored gravestones of Dr. Jonas Julius Bruck, his son Dr. Julius Bruck, and their respective wives interred in the Old Jewish Cemetery in Wrocław, Poland

 

In various places, I found fleeting references that Dr. Walter Bruck and Johanna Elisabeth Margarethe Gräbsch had both previously been married. I eventually found historic documents, my gold standard, confirming this. Using educating guesses based on incomplete captions and estimating the timeframe a few pictures in Dr. Walter Bruck’s collection were taken, that’s to say during WWI and before, I was even able to find pictures of both of their previous spouses among his photos.

Dr. Walter Bruck’s album also contain multiple pictures of his daughter, Renate Bruck (1926-2013). She was married three times, with images of two of her husbands included. Thanks to Post 99 Renate’s twin daughters, whom I knew about but had no expectation of ever finding since they’d left England years ago, instead found me. From this, I learned that Walter Bruck’s grandchildren and great-grandchildren live in Sydney, Australia.

I suspect the story I’m about to relate may resonate with some readers, the topic of missing or incomplete captions on pictures of one’s ancestors. Let me provide some context. During the time that my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck was a dentist in Liegnitz, Germany he carried on an illicit affair with a married non-Jewish woman, Irmgard Lutze (Figure 19), with whom he had two children, my first cousins Wolfgang (Figure 20) and Wera Lutze. During the Nazi era time when it was prohibited and dangerous for an Aryan to have an affair with a Jew, the cuckolded husband nonetheless raised the children as his own. Therefore, they had the Lutze rather than the Bruck surname.

I knew both first cousins well, though both are now deceased. In any case, included among my cousin’s photographs was one that left me perplexed. It showed three generations, the eldest of whom was identified as “Tante Grete Brauer (mother’s sister).” (Figures 21a-b) The “Brauer” surname reverberated only because when perusing my great-aunt Elsbeth Bruck’s papers at the Stadtmuseum I discovered multiple letters written by Brauers. At the time I had no idea this represented another branch of my extended family.

 

Figure 19. My uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck standing next to Irmgard Lutze, the married Aryan woman with whom he fathered two children

 

Figure 20. My uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck’s now-deceased son and my first cousin, Wolfgang Lutze (1928-2014), in Hurghada, Egypt in October 2005

 

Figure 21a. Photo found among my first cousin’s pictures of my grandmother’s sister, Margarethe Brauer née Berliner (1872-1942) who was murdered in the Holocaust

 

Figure 21b. Caption on backside of Figure 21a.

 

As I discussed in Post 34, I would eventually work out that “Tante Grete Brauer” was my grandmother Else Bruck née Berliner’s sister, Margarethe Brauer née Berliner (1872-1942) who was murdered in the Holocaust. Prior to finding this isolated picture of my great-aunt, I was completely unaware of her existence. I’ve repeatedly told readers that my father had scant interest in family and rarely spoke of them to me growing up, so I was not surprised by this discovery.

I will give readers one last example of caches of family photos I’ve been able to recover by mentioning my third cousin once-removed, Larry Leyser (Figure 22), who very sadly passed away in 2021 due to complications from Covid. Over the years, Larry and I often shared family documents and photos. Several years ago, he borrowed and scanned a large collection of photos from one of his cousins named Michael Maleckar which he shared with me. As with any such trove, I found a few gems, including one of my own parents at a party they attended in Manhattan the early 1950’s. My father literally “robbed the cradle” when he married my mother as she was 22 years younger than him. This age difference is particularly pronounced in the one picture I show here. (Figure 23)

 

Figure 22. My third cousin once-removed, Larry Leyser, another source of many family photos

 

Figure 23. From left to right, my father (Dr. Otto Bruck), my mother (Paulette Bruck), my uncle (Dr. Fedor Bruck), and one of father’s cousins (Franz Kayser) at a party in Manhattan in the early 1950’s

 

I will merely say, in closing, that I am aware of other caches of family photos that unfortunately I have been unable to lay my hands on. I completely understand that some of my cousins are busy leading their lives and don’t share my passion for family history, so they are excused. One other thought. The longer I work on my family’s history, the more I realize how much I regret not talking with my relatives when they were alive about some of our ancestors as my stories would be broader and would then be grounded in truths rather veiled in so much conjecture.

 

 

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

 

Sussman, Jeffrey. Holocaust Fighters: Boxers, Resisters, and Avengers. Roman & Littlefield, 2021.

 

 

POST 84: MY UNCLE DR. FEDOR BRUCK’S FRIEND, WOLFRAM E. VON PANNWITZ, GERMAN BARON

Note: In this post, I discuss a German Baron my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck befriended in a displaced persons camp in West Berlin while awaiting passage to America in 1947, a gentleman with whom my uncle had much in common and who went on to parlay a small investment in the stock market into more than $500,000 by the time he died. I also review the circumstances that led my uncle to immigrate to the United States after spending 30 months in hiding in Berlin eluding the Nazis, then being permitted to take over Hitler’s dentist’s office following WWII.

 

Related Posts:

Post 17: Surviving in Berlin in The Time of Hitler: My Uncle Fedor’s Story

Post 31: Witness to History, “Proof” of Hitler’s Death in My Uncle Fedor’s Own Words

Post 40: Elisabeth “Lisa” Pauly née Krüger, One of My Uncle Fedor’s “Silent Heroes”

Post 41: Dr. Otto Berger & Other “Silent Heroes” Who Helped My Uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck Survive the Nazi Regime

 

Figure 1. My Uncle Fedor in his dental office in Liegnitz, Prussia

 

My uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck has been the subject of multiple earlier posts which are among my most popular chronicles. I encourage interested readers to peruse these earlier written accounts to familiarize themselves with the broad outlines of my uncle’s life. For the purposes of this post, however, let me provide a brief review.

My uncle owned his own dental practice in Liegnitz, Germany [today: Legnica, Poland] (Figure 1), in the Prussian province of Silesia, until April 1936, when he was forced to shutter his business by the Nazis. He relocated to Berlin, where he was able to resume work for a time, initially working for himself (Figures 2a-b), then later working under the auspices of a non-Jewish dentist. In October 1942, my uncle was ordered by the Nazi authorities to report to an age transport; realizing this meant deportation to a concentration camp and eventual death, he went into hiding. With the help of non-Jewish relatives and acquaintances, “silent heroes,” my uncle survived underground for 30 months until the fall of Berlin in early May 1945. It is estimated that fewer than 5,000 Jews survived concealment in Germany during WWII.

 

Figure 2a. Ancestry.com cover page for a 1937 Berlin Address Book listing for my Uncle Fedor, showing him as a “Zahnarzt,” dentist, with an office at Fasasenstrasse 20 in the Charlottenburg District of Berlin
Figure 2b. 1937 Berlin Address Book listing for my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 3. A young Käthe Heusermann née Reiss with my Uncle Fedor in his dental office in Liegnitz

 

When my uncle had his own dental practice in Liegnitz, one of his dental assistants was Käthe Heusermann née Reiss (Figure 3), a woman of some later recognition; after my uncle Fedor was forced to close his business, she too relocated to Berlin and wound up obtaining a similar position as dental assistant for Adolf Hitler’s American-trained dentist, Dr. Hugo Blaschke (Figure 4), an early member of the National Socialist party. As Dr. Blaschke’s assistant, Käthe Heusermann was always in attendance when der Führer had very distinctive yet outdated dental work performed on him at a special private office Dr. Blaschke was assigned in the Reich Chancellery; Dr. Blaschke’s private business office was located at Kurfürstendamm 213 in the district of  Charlottenburg, the boulevard considered the Champs-Élysées of Berlin; this building still stands today. (Figure 5)

 

Figure 4. Hitler’s American-trained dentist, Dr. Hugo Blaschke, an early member of the National Socialist Party
Figure 5. Entrance to Kurfürstendamm 213 in Charlottenburg, where Dr. Blaschke once had his dental practice that my Uncle Fedor took over after WWII, as it looks today

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

As I explained to readers in Post 31, there is very clear evidence that because of their previous relationship and friendship Käthe Heusermann sheltered and hid my uncle for brief periods during his 30 months underground during WWII; she also gave him special rations and extra food vouchers she received as a member of the Führer’s extended staff, at great personal danger. Thus, throughout my uncle’s time in hiding during the war, he was periodically in touch with Käthe. This becomes relevant after the Russians occupied Berlin, and, by my uncle’s own account, he made his way to her apartment at Pariserstrasse 39-40 (Figures 6a-b):

“On April 26, 1945, Steglitz, in the southwestern part of the city [Berlin], was occupied by the Russians.  Behind the advancing troops, I arrived, on May 4th, in the apartment of my former assistant Käthe Heusermann. This apartment was situated at Pariserstrasse 39-40 near Kurfürstendamm. A friendship of twenty years tied my person and the family of Käthe Heusermann. Käthe was alone in the bomb-damaged apartment and was very upset and confused.  She had only returned to her apartment the day before, May 3rd, having spent the time before that in the Air Shelter in the Reich Chancellery.

 

Figure 6a. Ancestry.com cover page for a 1938 Berlin Address Book listing for my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck, interestingly showing him living at Pariserstrasse 39-40, where Käthe Heusermann also lived
Figure 6b. 1938 Berlin Address Book listing for my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Käthe Heusermann related the events to my uncle of what had occurred at the Reich Chancellery as the Allies encircled Berlin in the waning days of the war, and how Adolf Hitler and Eva Braun had committed suicide (see Post 31 for the complete account in my uncle’s words). Following the fall of Berlin, Käthe Heusermann advised my uncle to obtain permission from the pertinent authorities to take over Dr. Blaschke’s dental practice.  His dental office was intact, and Dr. Blaschke had already fled to Obersalzburg, so was unlikely to return. As a person persecuted by the Nazis, my uncle had a right to make this claim. The authorities did in fact grant my uncle permission to take over Dr. Blaschke’s apartment and practice at Kurfürstendamm 213 in Charlottenburg; as discussed in Post 17, post-WWII Address Directories from 1946 (Figure 7), 1947, and 1948 locate my uncle at this address. My uncle’s knowledge of the events surrounding Hitler’s fate stem primarily from his friendship with Käthe Heusermann, but also from his occupancy of Dr. Blaschke’s dental office following WWII.

 

Figure 7. 1946 Berlin Address Book listing for my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck, showing him as a dentist at Kurfürstendamm 213 in Charlottenburg, the former office of Hitler’s dentist, Dr. Hugo Blaschke

 

According to my uncle’s account, following his tenancy of Dr. Blaschke’s dental premises, he was visited on a few occasions by Russian counter-intelligence agents: 

. . .On Wednesday, May 9th, 1945, I met a Russian Lieutenant Colonel in the building, as well as woman in uniform and a gentleman in mufti, as they inquired from the Superintendent as to the whereabouts of Blaschke.  As I learned later, they were the deputy military governor of Berlin, a female agent of the Russian secret police, and a certain Doctor Arnaudow, who had been assistant at the Berlin Charité with “Geheimrat Sauerbruch” [“Geheimrat Sauerbruch” is a successful and respected physician].  The latter was a Bulgarian and had brought the Russians who were looking for Hitler’s dentist . . .; furthermore, he acted as interpreter, although the agent of the Russian Secret Police, who called herself “Lola,” spoke a little German.

 

Figure 8. Yelena Rzhevskaya in 1943, a military interpreter for SMERSH, the Soviet counter-intelligence agency

 

As I eventually learned, “Lola,” was a 26-year-old Jewish woman named Yelena Rzhevskaya (Figure 8), born Elena Moiseyevna Kagan in Belarus in 1919, who was travelling with the Soviet vanguard when they entered the center of Berlin on April 29, 1945. She was a military interpreter for SMERSH, the Soviet counter-intelligence agency. Like my uncle, she was a witness to events and findings about Hitler’s fate, corroborating much of what my uncle knew and later reported.  As the Soviet forces advanced through Berlin, Rzhevskaya’s unit was tasked with finding people who could provide information on Hitler’s whereabouts. It is only in 2018 that an English version of Yelena Rzhevskaya’s memoir, “Memoirs of a Wartime Interpreter: From the Battle for Moscow to Hitler’s Bunker,” was published and that mention of her role in helping identify Hitler’s teeth was made.

Thus, in 1945, what led “Lola,” Yelena Rzhevskaya, to visit my uncle Fedor at Dr. Blaschke’s former dental offices was her search for information about Hitler’s fate. While questioning my uncle, Elena and the Russian authorities would learn about and eventually interrogate Käthe Heusermann and Fritz Echtmann, Blaschke’s dental technician, about their respective roles during Hitler’s dental procedures and their knowledge of his whereabouts; Käthe identified Hitler’s dental bridge for the Russians confirming his death, a fact the Soviets kept hidden for many years. Käthe and Fritz’s familiarity with Hitler’s fate would eventually result in both being abducted by the Russians and imprisoned in Russia until around 1955, a few years after Stalin died in March 1953. It served Stalin’s expansionist goals to have the world believe that Hitler had survived WWII and was an existential danger to the world, thus the need to remove from the scene anyone who could refute his narrative. It is precisely for this same reason that my uncle was in danger of being spirited away by the Russians, namely, because of his indirect knowledge of Hitler’s fate.

My uncle was alerted by the American post-war occupation forces who now controlled Charlottenburg, the Berlin district where Dr. Blaschke had once had his dental practice and where my uncle now lived and worked, that he was in danger of being snatched by the Russian intelligence services. Realizing they would eventually track him down wherever he hid and having already received a visa for the United States, my uncle abandoned his profession. Like my father, he would never again practice dentistry. Thus, began the next phase in my uncle’s life.

The precise date on which my uncle left Berlin is unknown to me. However, he wrote an affidavit in November 1966 in the matter of a probate hearing on behalf of the estate of Wolfram E. von Pannwitz, a German Baron he met in June 1947 in West Berlin, providing a general timeframe for when he departed Germany. My uncle and Mr. von Pannwitz befriended one another that month in a displaced persons camp where they had been assembled awaiting passage to the United States.  Both left for America on the 8th of July 1947 aboard the “Marine Marlin” from Bremen, Germany, and arrived in New York City on the 17th of July 1947 (Figures 9-10a-b); the two would remain friends until von Pannwitz died in New York City in 1966. (Figure 11)

 

Figure 9. “Alien Passenger Manifest” for the “Marine Marlin” with my uncle Fedor Bruck’s name showing he departed Bremen, Germany on July 8, 1947 and arrived in New York City on July 17, 1947

 

Figure 10a. Cover page for the Passenger List with Wolfram von Pannwitz’s name showing he traveled aboard the same ship and left at the same time from Bremen, Germany as my uncle
Figure 10b. Passenger List for the “Marine Marlin” with Wolfram von Pannwitz’s name showing he left Bremen, Germany the same date as my uncle, the 8th of July 1947

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 11. Wolfram E. von Pannwitz, far right, at my aunt and uncle’s wedding on March 4, 1958 in New York

 

Wolfram E. von Pannwitz was born on the 7th of July 1889 in Botzanowitz, Prussia [today: Bodzanowice, Poland], approximately 84 miles northeast of Leobschutz, Prussia [today: Głubczyce, Poland], where my uncle was born in 1895. Beyond both having been born in Upper Silesia, my uncle and von Pannwitz shared other things in common; they were close in age, only six years separated them; both were from the upper class; both were veterans of WW; both were victims of the Nazis; and both were anti-fascist.

Von Pannwitz was a Lutheran member of the Prussian nobility, who had been a captain in the German Army during WWI. In the early 1930’s, von Pannwitz operated a large garage business and dealt in fuel in Berlin. Not wishing to join the Nazi party, he went to Paris to live between 1937 and 1939. He was forced to return to Berlin, having been declared an “enemy alien” by the French, although he was able to use family influence to return to Paris. Once returned, he became involved with the movement that attempted to assassinate Hitler on July 20, 1944, an ultimately unsuccessful effort that forced him to go into hiding.

 

Figure 12. Else Petrea von Pannwitz’s baptismal record showing she was born on the 19th of February 1893 in Botzanowitz, Prussia

 

Wolfram von Pannwitz had a younger sister, “Else Petrea, Magda, Ernestine, Ottilie, Leonie, Gertrud,” born on the 19th of February 1893, also in Botzanowitz, Prussia. (Figure 12) He married Clara Virginia Rohde on the 18th of October 1920 in Berlin, a short-lived marriage that ended on the 28th of February 1922 and produced no children. (Figures 13a-b) He remarried Frida Mueller in 1931, who died of cancer in 1934, another childless marriage.

 

Figure 13a. Page 1 of Wolfram E. von Pannwitz and Clara Rohde’s marriage certificate showing they married on the 18th of October 1920 in Berlin with a notation in the upper right-hand corner indicating they divorced on the 28th of February 1922
Figure 13b. Page 2 of Wolfram E. von Pannwitz and Clara Rohde’s 1920 marriage certificate

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Let me briefly digress. During this Covid-19 pandemic we are currently living through that requires most of us to self-quarantine, I have spent countless hours listening to webinars on an investment service to which I am subscribed. In this context, an interesting fact about Mr. von Pannwitz caught my attention. Investing largely in aircraft stocks, he parlayed $15,000 he saved in 1948 and 1949 into $500,000 by the time he died in 1966. I find this interesting on multiple levels. He was heavily invested in the stock market long before this was commonplace, and seemingly followed a path to building his wealth by buying and holding stocks, a strategy the investment service I follow also subscribes to. He was also invested in a segment of the market, airlines, which have largely fallen out of favor, for obvious reasons, during the current pandemic.

 

Figure 14. The Hotel Seville where Wolfram E. von Pannwitz rented modest accommodations for $23 a week

 

Figure 15. Contemporary newspaper account from a New York daily discussing Wolfram E. von Pannwitz’s $500,000 bequest, split equally between Cardinal Spellman and the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society

Wolfram von Pannwitz died on the 28th of January 1966 in St. Vincent’s Hospital. At the time he lived modestly in a $23-a-week 9-by 12-foot room in the Hotel Seville on Madison Avenue (Figure 14), known today as the “James New York-NoMad.” His death made the news (Figure 15), including the New York Times, because he left his $500,000 estate equally to Cardinal Spellman of St. Patrick’s Cathedral and the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, “HIAS.” While Mr. Pannwitz was not Jewish, his bestowal to HIAS was his way of showing gratitude to his Jewish friends for their professional and personal help during his life. His bequest to the St. Patrick’s Cathedral was, in his own words, to thank them for the “. . .strength and power [they gave him] to accomplish the hard struggle for this life.”

Interestingly, Mr. von Pannwitz typed his will, dated the 4th of September 1958, on a conventional printed form. In the will, he stated “all my relatives, near or remote, shall be excluded from my inheritance, there being special reasons for this direction.” While none of the contemporary newspaper accounts discuss these “special reasons,” I know from my uncle’s November 1966 affidavit that upon Mr. von Pannwitz’s mother’s death, Gertrud von Pannwitz née Scholz in 1957, he was cheated out of his inheritance by his younger sister.

Based on surviving correspondence in my possession, sadly, Cardinal Spellman and the Catholic Church reached an out-of-court settlement with Wolfram’s sister, Elsa Petrea Reymann née von Pannwitz, after she contested the will. In the back-and-forth correspondence between my uncle Fedor and one of Mr. von Pannwitz’s friends in California, both expressed outrage that she managed to obtain any part of her brother’s estate.

Figure 16. German General Helmuth von Pannwitz in 1941, one of Wolfram von Pannwitz’s cousins, who fought for the German Army in the Battle of Stalingrad and later against Tito’s partisans in then-Yugoslavia

This would likely have been particularly galling to Mr. von Pannwitz given that he was estranged from his sister and because of his family’s connections to the Nazi regime. A certain Helmuth von Pannwitz (14th October 1898-16th January 1947) (Figure 16), also born in Botzwanowitz, Prussia and likely one of Wolfram’s cousins, was a German general; he fought in both world wars. In WWII, he was in command of a battle group assigned to cover the southern flank in the battle of Stalingrad, where he wiped out a Soviet cavalry brigade, a Soviet cavalry division, and an enemy infantry division. Later, Helmuth von Pannwitz established a Cossack volunteer force, the 1st Cossack Division, which fought against freedom fighters in the Ukraine and Belorussia, before eventually fighting partisans commanded by Tito in Yugoslavia. During punitive operations in Serbia and Croatia, the Cossack regiments under Pannwitz’s command committed several atrocities against the civilian population, including mass rapes and routine summary executions. In 1947, the same year that Wolfram immigrated to America, Helmuth was executed by the Russians for these war crimes.

 

REFERENCE

Rzhevskaya, Yelena. “Memoirs of a Wartime Interpreter: From the Battle for Moscow to Hitler’s Bunker.” 2018. Greenhill Books. London.

POST 17: SURVIVING IN BERLIN IN THE TIME OF HITLER: MY UNCLE FEDOR’S STORY

NOTE:  The last two Blog posts have dealt with three of my grandfather Felix Bruck’s sisters, two renowned personages and a third who gave birth to a well-known artist.  My grandfather had two additional surviving siblings, both of whom fled Berlin during the Third Reich never to return, and their stories will be the subject of upcoming posts.  However, in this Blog post, I will talk about my father’s oldest brother, Dr. Fedor Bruck, and, tell his life story and relate his compelling tale of survival in Berlin during the era of the National Socialists.  This is a story I’ve looked forward to relating to readers on account of some of the historic figures who played a direct and indirect role in my uncle’s life.

Figure 1-My Uncle Fedor as a child with his two surviving siblings, my Aunt Susanne and my father Otto

 

 

Fedor Bruck was the eldest of the four known children of Felix and Else Bruck, well-to-do owners of the Bruck’s “Prinz von Preußen” Hotel in Ratibor (today: Racibórz, Poland). (Figure 1)  He was born on August 17, 1895, in Leobschütz, Upper Silesia, Germany (today: Głubczyce, Poland), unlike his younger siblings all born in Ratibor, 22 miles (35km) to the southeast.  I was eventually able to locate my uncle’s birth certificate in the database: Östliche preußische Provinzen, Polen, Personenstandsregister 1874-1945 (Eastern Prussian Provinces, Germany [Poland], Selected Civil Vitals, 1874-1945), with the assistance of a German archivist.

 

Figure 2a-Front of postcard dated August 17, 1909 showing Rathaus (Town Hall) in Leipzig

 

Figure 2b-Back of postcard signed by my Uncle Fedor, dated August 17, 1909, with items discussed in text highlighted

 

As a child, my Uncle Fedor was interested in hot-air balloons.  Among my father’s surviving personal papers, there exists a postcard sent by my uncle to his maternal aunt’s sister on his 14th birthday, that’s to say on August 17, 1909, when his aunt and uncle, Alfred & Charlotte (“Lotte”) Berliner, took him on a hot-air balloon ride in Breslau, Germany (today: Wrocław, Poland). (Figures 2a & 2b)  By researching the names on the postcard, I was able to entirely reconstruct a branch of my family I had previously been unaware using the “Eastern Prussian Provinces” database cited above.

Beyond the names, however, the postcard is interesting for multiple reasons.  It came from an association (“des Artillerie-Vereins 1908, Ratibor und Umgegund”) founded in 1908 by former artillery soldiers from Ratibor and the surrounding area; the club’s stamp appears in the upper right-hand corner of the card.  The artillery association partially supported itself by offering hot-air balloon rides, and the balloon pilots, Ulrich Gaebel and Hans Zynwi (?), signed their names.  The oval cancellation mark, “Breslau-Oderberg,” specifically indicates the postcard was stamped and postmarked aboard a mail train, traveling the 256 miles between these locations; such mail trains were apparently common in Germany until 1945.  The photo was taken from a hot-air balloon at a height of 150 meters, and shows the new Town Hall in Leipzig, a city in Saxony 231 miles to the west of Breslau.  “Luftschiffer,” printed on the backside of the postcard, refers to German airship (balloon) units.

Figure 3-My Uncle Fedor Bruck in his WWI uniform

 

My Uncle Fedor fought for the German Army in World War I, and was assigned to the 89th Infantry Division as part of their fire brigade. (Figure 3)  For a time in 1916, he was stationed in the Ukraine on the Eastern Front.  A postcard written by my Uncle Fedor during his deployment there also survives among my father’s personal papers.  This one is one dated September 3, 1916, and was written by my uncle to his Aunt Franziska Bruck in Berlin, the famed florist, in which he proudly tells her he has been promoted to the rank of a non-commissioned officer. (Figures 4a & 4b) My uncle’s duties on the Front ended when he was wounded, wounds from which he fully recovered.

Figure 4a-Front of postcard dated September 3, 1916, sent by my Uncle Fedor to his Aunt Franziska Bruck from the Eastern Front
Figure 4b-Back of postcard dated September 3, 1916, sent by my Uncle Fedor from the Eastern Front to his Aunt Franziska Bruck at her flower shop in Berlin

 

 

Figure 5-Contemporary map of Poland showing where my Uncle Fedor was born (Ratibor/Raciborz), educated (Breslau/Wroclaw), and practiced dentistry (Liegnitz/Legnica)

 

By 1921, my Uncle Fedor had obtained a dental license from the University of Breslau.  He owned his practice in Liegnitz (today: Legnica, Poland) (Figure 5) from November 1924 through April 1936 (Figure 6), when he was forced out of business by the National Socialists.  Already, by March 1932, they had relieved my uncle of his responsibilities as municipal school dentist (“Schulzahnarzt”) for schools in small communities surrounding Liegnitz (Figures 7 & 8); a Schulzahnarzt merely examined pupils‘ teeth, advising them on whether a followup with a dentist was required.  There was widespread support among German dentists for the National Socialist ideology, so in expectation of their rise to power many dental organizations displaced their Jewish colleagues as a sign of “anticipatory obedience.“  Since my uncle could no longer practice dentistry in Liegnitz, he left for Berlin in 1936. 

Figure 6-Document indicating that my Uncle Fedor owned his practice in Liegnitz from November 1924 until April 1936

 

Figure 7-Document dated March 1932 from Liegnitz’s Magistrate notifying my Uncle Fedor that he was being relieved of his duties as Schulzahnarzt for communities surrounding Liegnitz
Figure 8-Document dated April 1936 from Breslau listing the communities for which my Uncle Fedor had formerly been Schulzahnarzt

 

Figure 9-My Uncle Fedor with Irmgard Lutze, the married lady with whom he had two children

 

During his time in Liegnitz, my uncle had an illicit love affair with a married non-Jewish woman (Figure 9) by whom he fathered two children, my first cousins.  As offspring of a Jewish man, this could have been dangerous to the children and their mother, but because the cuckolded husband never betrayed them both children survived into old age.

 After leaving for Berlin, for a period of time at least, my uncle could still work there, though under very trying circumstances.  He continued to have his own practice at Fasanenstraße 20 in Berlin-Charlottenburg for a while.  However, as a result of the “Regulation for the Elimination of the Jews from the Economic Life of Germany,” after February 1939, my uncle had his dental license revoked.   Only in November 1939 was he again certified, but then only as a “Zahnbehandler,” which meant he could only treat Jews and relatives. 

Interestingly, the archives at the Centrum Judaicum Berlin show that during this period, specifically on June 11, 1939, he converted from Judaism at the Messiah Chapel in Berlin’s Prenzlauer Berg, Kastanienallee 22.  My Uncle Fedor must still have believed even at this late date that conversion from Judaism would alter his fate.; my theory is that as a wounded veteran of WWI, it was totally inconceivable to him that the Germans would incarcerate or murder him.

 

Figure 10-My Uncle Fedor’s “Holocaust Badge” of the specific design that Jews living in Germany, Alsace, Bohemia and Moravia were required to wear during the Nazi era

For several months starting in March 1941, my uncle had the good fortune of managing the practice of a colleague preparing to emigrate, and then, again, in June 1941, he took over a well-equipped practice located in the Kürfurstendamm.  As a result, for a period of time he was better off economically than other Jews still in Germany, although by January 1942, he had been permanently displaced from this last office by a National Socialist colleague. (Figure 10)

Eventually, in a letter dated October 12, 1942, my uncle was summoned by the Gestapo to present himself to an “age transport.”  Realizing this was a death sentence, he fled to a friend in Berlin-Dahlem and went underground.  Roger Moorhouse, in his book entitled “Berlin at War: Life and Death in Hitler’s Capital 1939-1945,” estimates that of the 11,000 Jews who went underground in Berlin during the war years of 1939-45, only about 1400 survived the war, of which my uncle was one.  Time and again, Uncle Fedor had good fortune.  When his friend, Dr. Sieber, was arrested on February 15, 1943, by the Gestapo in his presence, he miraculously escaped.  In the ensuing months, my uncle found refuge with a cousin or hid in “green belts,” coal cellars, and parks. 

Figure 11-The story at Berlin’s “Silent Heroes Memorial Center” about Dr. Otto Berger, a right-minded German who enabled my uncle to survive in Berlin during the Nazi era

 

Most helpful to him during his underground odyssey was a dentist by the name of Otto Berger, a right-minded individual who was adamantly opposed to National Socialism. (Figure 11)  Berger somehow was able to illegally procure papers for Fedor in the name of Dr. Friedrich Burkhardt, matching my uncle’s own initials; without these papers, it is certain that Fedor would not have survived the war.  In March 1944, both Berger and Fedor were among nine survivors from a group of 44 people who had sought refuge in a basement destroyed by Allied bombers.  Following this narrow escape, for a short period Fedor again hid with his cousin before returning to live with Berger, first in Berlin-Zehlendorf, then in Berlin-Steglitz.  The last apartment was destroyed by fire on the eve of the Russian capture of Steglitz on April 26, 1945.

Figure 12-My Uncle Fedor in Liegnitz with his dental assistant, Käthe Heusermann, née Reiss, who went on to became Hitler’s dentist’s assistant

The capture of this part of Berlin marked the beginning of the next phase of my uncle’s life.  When Fedor had his own practice in Liegnitz, he trained as one of his dental assistants a woman named Käthe Heusermann, née Reiss. (Figure 12)  After Fedor was forced to close shop in Liegnitz and move to Berlin, she too moved there, and from 1937 on, she was in the employ of Dr. Hugo Blaschke, Hitler’s American-trained dentist. (Figure 13)  Following the Russian capture of Berlin, on May 4, 1945, Fedor visited his former dental assistant Käthe Heusermann in the Pariserstraße in Berlin-Wilmersdorf, and she encouraged him to apply to take over Dr. Blaschke’s dental office, which had only been lightly damaged.  As a victim of National Socialism, he was entitled to such consideration.

Figure 13-Dr. Hugo Johannes Blaschke (1881-1959), Hitler’s American-trained dentist from 1933-1945

 

Figure 14-Entrance as it looks today to the office building where Hitler’s dentist, Dr. Blaschke, once had his practice at Kurfustendamm 213 that my Uncle Fedor took over after WWII

 

Dr. Blaschke’s dental office was located at Kürfurstendamm 213 (Figure 14), and was at the time situated in the Russian sector of Berlin.  With the approval of the Russian commandant, Fedor Bruck was assigned Blaschke’s office and living quarters.  Post-war Berlin phone directories for both 1946 (Figure 15) and 1948 list Fedor Bruck as a “Zahnarzt” (dentist) occupying these premises, as indeed he did until he left for America in 1947 (his name continues to show up in the 1948 phone directory even though he was no longer in Berlin).

 

 

Figure 15-1946 Berlin Phone Directory listing my uncle Dr. Fedor Bruck, as a zahnarzt (dentist) at Kurfurstendamm 213

My uncle’s former close association with Käthe Heusermann allowed him to become a “witness” to history.  As Dr. Blaschke’s dental assistant, Käthe had always been present when Hitler was undergoing dental treatment.  Because the dental records describing the work performed on Hitler had been lost or destroyed, Käthe Heusermann was questioned by the Russians and asked to give her opinion on the basis of memory whether the parts of the jaw found in the Reich Chancellery garden were those of Hitler.  She recognized the dental work and affirmed they were indeed Hitler’s remains.  Several days later, she conveyed this information to my uncle, which inadvertently placed him at risk.

Eventually, both Käthe Heusermann, and Dr. Blaschke’s dental technician, Fritz Echtmann, were captured by the Russians and imprisoned for some years.  Stalin seemingly did not want any witnesses who could confirm Hitler’s fate, perhaps wishing to perpetuate the myth that Hitler had survived the war and was an ever-present danger.  Since my uncle also knew of Hitler’s death, he too was in jeopardy of being kidnapped by the Russians, so, forewarned by the Americans, he decided to emigrate to the United States in July 1947.

Fedor Bruck never met Dr. Blaschke because he had already fled to the southern part of Germany by the time Fedor was assigned his dental practice.  Blaschke was eventually captured and interrogated by the Americans, and imprisoned for a period of time.  Fedor was able to salvage the abandoned dental records of some Nazis treated by Dr. Blaschke, although the records dealing with more prominent figures such as Himmler, Ley, Göring, Goebbels, and others were taken away by the Russians when they searched the premises.  The salvaged records survive in the estate of Fedor’s grandson. (Figures 16a & 16b)

Figure 16a-Among the records salvaged by my Uncle Fedor from Dr. Blaschke’s office is an invitation for Blaschke & his wife to a social event hosted by Hermann Göring & his wife

 

Figure 16b-The invitation to Dr. Blaschke & his wife to attend a social event hosted by Hermann Göring & his wife salvaged by my Uncle Fedor from Blaschke’s dental office

 

 

The events described above, including Fedor Bruck’s knowledge of some of these happenings, are documented in at least three books and one newspaper account.  These include H.R. Trevor-Roper’s “The Last Days of Hitler,” Lev Bezymenski’s “The Death of Adolf Hitler,” and Jelena Rshewskaja’s German-language book “Hitlers Ende Ohne Mythos.” 

Trevor-Roper’s book was initially published in 1947, and this edition makes no mention of Fedor Bruck.  However, in the Third Edition of this book published in 1956, a lengthy introduction was added by the author.  This was made possible by the release, in that year, of Russian prisoners whom Trevor-Roper had been unable to question during his initial inquiries in 1945.  Fedor Bruck’s name and witness to the events described above are discussed on pages 32-33.  In Lev Bezymenski’s book, the events are described on pages 53-57, and my uncle Dr. Bruck’s name is cited on page 53.   Ms. Rshewskaja’s book mentions Dr. Bruck on page 120 and following.  In addition, Fedor Bruck was visited on July 7, 1945, in the former office of Dr. Blaschke by three British correspondents, including William Forrest of the “News Chronicle.”  Relying on the account provided by Fedor Bruck, William Forrest chronicled in an article published on July 9th the positive identification of Hitler’s remains.

Figure 17-My Uncle Fedor and my Aunt Verena Bruck, née Dick, on their wedding day on March 4, 1958

Like my father, my Uncle Fedor never again practiced dentistry after he arrived in America.  In December 1952, Fedor Bruck became a citizen of the United States, and legally changed his name to Theodore A. Brook.   He married for the first time on March 4, 1958. (Figure 17)

 

Figure 18-My Uncle Fedor, as a toll-collector on the Tappan Zee Bridge, featured in a 1964 advertisement for a Plymouth Savoy

For a period of time after his arrival in American, my uncle worked as a night watchman in a church in the Upper Westside of Manhattan, although he eventually landed a job with the State of New York as a toll-collector on the Tappan Zee Bridge. (Figure 18)  Unlike many Jews who’d been professionals in their countries of origin, my uncle never bemoaned the fact he’d had to change his vocation in America; I remember my uncle as a boundless optimist for whom the glass was always half-full.  He loved his job as a toll-collector because it allowed him to engage in another of his lifelong passions, namely, coin collecting.  His wife, my Aunt Verena, once recounted to me the time my uncle approached her about buying a coin book to identify valuable coins and estimate their worth.  While she initially balked at the “extravagance“ of such an expense, she quickly changed her tune when my uncle regularly came home from his job with valuable coins exchanged for those of lesser value.

 

Figure 19-My Uncle Fedor on September 12, 1981, five months before he passed away

My Uncle Fedor passed away in Bronxville, outside New York City, in February 1982. (Figures 19, 20 & 21)

 

Figure 20-My Uncle Fedor astride a horse in Liegnitz in 1926 dressed as an “English Gentleman”

 

 

Figure 21-My Uncle Fedor astride a horse in Liegnitz in 1926 dressed as “Frederick the Great”

 

REFERENCES

Bezymenski, Lev

1968    The Death of Adolf Hitler: Unknown Documents from Soviet Archives.  Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc. New York.

Brook, Richard

2013    Prinz von Preußen—Hotel rodziny Bruck.  Almanach Prowincjonalny 1/2013 (17) (p. 58-73).

Lutze, Kay

2006    Die Lebensgeschichte des jüdischen Zahnarztes Fedor Bruck (1895-1982) Von Liegnitz nach New York.  Zahnärztliche Mitteilungen 96, Nr. 10, 16.5 (p. 124-127)

Moorhouse, Roger

2010    Berlin at War.  Basic Books. New York

Rshewskaja, Jelena

2005    Hitlers Ende Ohne Mythos.  Neues Leben, Verlag. (120 ff.)

Trevor, Roper, H.R.

1947    The Last Days of Hitler.  The Macmillan Company. New York.

1987    The Last Days of Hitler (Sixth Edition).  The University of Chicago Press. Chicago (p. 32-33)